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For those formulating
American foreign policy and dreaming of remaking the Middle East in
their own image, the region appears to be full of surprises. The
determined resistance of some Iraqis to the Western occupation of their
country seems to have been genuinely unanticipated. It should not have
been. If the United States were conquered and occupied by Arab armies
which announced their intention to stay for years and to restructure the
country’s government and economy along Islamic lines, would no Americans
resist, not even “hardcore Bush loyalists” or “Republican Party
remnants”?
The legislative
elections in Kuwait on July 5, if noticed in America, should have
constituted an even more stunning surprise. Before and after the
conquest of Iraq, proponents of the war evoked the vision of a virtuous
“domino effect” toppling authoritarian regimes in the region and
replacing them with modernizing, Western-oriented “democratic” ones. As
a genuine reason for war, such a democratic mission always lacked
credibility with those who actually live in the region, who recognize
that, so long as America and Israel act like Siamese twins joined at the
brain, any government in the Arab world which actually reflected the
will of its people would be fervently anti-American.
Of course, Americans do
like elections — provided that they produce the “right” result. (Donald
Rumsfeld has made clear that an Islamic government will not be permitted
in Iraq even if most of Iraq’s people were to favor one.) However, few
believe that the United States would really prefer a democratically
elected government which is anti-American to an authoritarian regime
which is pro-American.
So, what happened in
the elections in Kuwait, the most pro-American country in the Arab
world, with the most reason (by far) to be pro-American? The “liberals”,
who seek a more open and modern society and had hoped to make
significant gains, were almost wiped out, retaining only three seats
(down from eight) in the 50-seat Parliament. The remaining 47 seats went
to conservatives and Islamists, including radical fundamentalists. The
“domino effect” has not worked out — at least not falling in the “right”
direction — next door to Iraq. What would genuinely fair elections
produce in other Arab countries, whose people are far less pro-American?
A quiet burial for the “democratic mission” can be anticipated.
لا
Another illusion
destined to be dispelled soon is that the current “road map” for
Israel/Palestine will win the United States friends and gratitude in the
Arab world. While the “road map” is widely described as a “peace
plan”, in Arab eyes, “peace” in Israel/Palestine requires ending the
occupation, not crushing all resistance to it, while, in most of the
world, true “peace” is recognized to require some measure of “justice”,
a word rigorously avoided by successive American governments in
connection with their successive “peace
plans”.
If one reads the “road
map”, it is readily apparent that it builds on a false premise to reach
an unbelievable conclusion. The premise is that the problem in Israel/Palestine is
Palestinian resistance to the 36-year-long occupation, not the
occupation itself. The conclusion is that, IF the Palestinian leadership
will first suppress completely all forms of resistance to the occupation
and eliminate all capabilities for ever resisting again, thereby making
the occupation totally cost-free for Israelis, THEN (and only then)
Israel will choose, of its own free will, to end the occupation,
withdrawing to (essentially) its internationally recognized pre-1967
borders, vacating the settlements, sharing Jerusalem and agreeing to a
just settlement of the refugee issue.
The Holy Land may, in
theory, be a land of miracles, but, even if the “IF” were possible at
the start of the road (which is most unlikely), it is difficult to
believe that anyone in a state of sobriety could genuinely believe that
the “THEN” would follow. (By contrast, if such a destination, fully
consistent with international law, were announced and guaranteed at the
start of the road, as it would be in any peace plan devised with a
sincere intention to achieve peace, there would no longer be any need
for resistance.)
Arabs are not fools.
Even if they have not read the “road map”, when they see both George W.
Bush and Colin Powell insisting that a total cessation of Palestinian
violence is not good enough and that the Palestinian leadership must
also eliminate any capability for resuming violent resistance in the
future, they can recognize that the true American objective is not
“peace”, as they understand the word, but, at best, simply “quiet” —
Palestinian acquiescence in the occupation and acceptance of whatever
terms Israel may wish to impose on a defeated and demoralized people —
and, at worst, provoking a Palestinian civil war.
Such a “peace plan”
will win the United States no more friends and gratitude in the Arab
world than American efforts to repress resistance to its own occupation
of a proud Arab country by ever-escalating force, which is condemned to
produce ever-intensifying resistance, which will be met by yet more
brutal force in an infernal cycle which Israelis and Palestinians know
all too well.
Is there any way to
prevent an already ugly situation in the Middle East from degenerating
into a long-term war of civilizations? Actually, there is. In March
2002, the Arab League, in its Beirut Declaration, dramatically offered
full peace and normal diplomatic and economic relations between Israel
and all Arab states in return for a total end to the occupation of all
Arab lands occupied in 1967. The Arab League should formally reaffirm
this offer, while also making clear the “other side of the coin” —
that there will never be peace or normal relations until the occupation
ends.
Then, the United States
should make clear that what must end — and soon — is the occupation, not
the resistance to it.
Of course, for America to do so would require a virtual “second American
declaration of independence”. American
politicians would have to put the interests of their own country and
people ahead of the desires of extreme right-wing elements in Israel and
their vocal, intimidating and well-funded supporters in the United
States. Most observers would consider such a revolution
inconceivable, but, at least in theory, it is possible — and it is
urgent.
The true “road map”
confronting Iraq, Palestine and the region as a whole is not one of
steady progress toward peace, prosperity, Western-style democracy and
increasingly pro-American sentiments. Unless the world focuses soon on
the real problem and its only real solution, and insists on the prompt
implementation of that solution, we are all risking a rapid descent into
hell.
(John V. Whitbeck is an
international lawyer who writes frequently on the Israeli-Palestinian
conflict.)