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Perhaps the most pleasant surprise of the year so far has been
Israel’s fulfillment of its promise to clear the Gaza Strip of the
8,000 Jewish settlers. Those of us who doubted Prime Minister Ariel
Sharon would carry out his plan to completion are now saying this
may be his "finest hour."
Still, it is difficult to forget that
Sharon
was the man most responsible for locating the settlements on land Israel
seized in its pre-emptive 1967 war with Egypt and Jordan.
Because the pullout from
Gaza
was unilateral on Sharon’s part, not having been negotiated with the
Palestinian Authority, the world is now waiting to see how he will deal
with the
West
Bank
settlements, where some 400,000 Jews have built their homes and
businesses since 1967.
At
76 years of age and soon to face new elections, is Sharon even prepared
to negotiate with Mahmoud Abbas, over Palestinian claims over the rest
of the land
Israel
seized in 1967?
If
there is nothing more up his sleeve, it is to be expected that
Palestinian leaders associated with Hamas will threaten a return to
violence.
Their logic will be that
Sharon
would not have given an inch of Gaza if it were not for the most recent,
most violent intifada. It alone enabled Sharon to persuade enough of his
Likud Party that it had to make concessions as long as he did not have
to make them to Yasir Arafat, whose death last year opened the door for
serious movement in this direction.
The
Bush Administration is of course hoping some time will be allowed for
consolidation before Palestinians demand more steps toward a Palestinian
state that includes most of the
West
Bank.
Abbas reportedly called
Sharon recently, telling him he hoped the
Gaza
experience would open a new page in relations and the two agreed to meet
soon.
That
sounds promising, but at the same time
Sharon
has made it clear there will be no further unilateral withdrawals from
the West Bank beyond the four small sites being cleared after
Gaza.
And he has stated that he would continue to build within the existing
settlement blocs in the West Bank and try to link one of them, Maale
Adumim, to
Jerusalem.
Writing from Gaza, Steven Erlanger of the New York Times reminds us that
it is widely expected that Sharon will now move back toward his
right-wing Likud base as he readies for new elections, perhaps as early
as the spring. All of this seems ominous to Pat Buchanan, an astute
observer of the complexities of
Middle East
issues:
"What is going to happen now is wearily predictable. After Sharon has
withdrawn the last settler, he will demand $2.2 billion for his heroic
achievement. The request, already in, breaks down to $1 million for
every family moved out of Gaza. Bush and Congress, who only in May
raised the death benefit for families of GIs killed in Iraq from $12,000
to $100,000, will fall all over one another expediting the latest
tranche of US tax dollars.
"Then the scenario will play out as Dov Weisglass, ex-chief of staff to
Sharon, mockingly described. Under the deal Weisglass cut with pliant
Bush aides in 2004, ratified in Bush's public letter to Sharon, Israeli
disengagement from Gaza and a few outposts on the West Bank "supplies
the amount of formaldehyde necessary so there will not be a political
process with the Palestinians."
"What I effectively agreed to with the Americans was that part of the
settlements would not be dealt with at all," Weisglass said, "and the
rest will not be dealt with until the Palestinians turn into Finns." The
"road map" – the peace plan agreed to by the United States, United
Nations, European Union and Russia – Weisglass merrily told the paper
Ha'aretz, is dead.
If Sharon now informs President Bush that Israel has made a sacrifice of
Gaza, and no more progress toward a viable Palestinian state can be made
until all violence ends and Hamas and Islamic Jihad are disarmed, what
will Bush do?
Buchanan answers his own question: "Nothing," he says.
I am
not sure about that and I believe Buchanan is basing his skepticism on
an awareness that the American Jewish community is already saying
nothing more can be done unless the Palestinian Authority forces the
disarmament of Hamas and Islamic Jihad.
If
Sharon himself gets behind that demand, we would of course know that he
intends no further serious negotiations. But I suspect it is a ploy
devised by the outright opponents of a Palestinian state in the Likud
Party, now led by Binjamin Netanyahu who resigned in protest over the
Gaza pullout.
Netanyahu can always count on his hawkish allies in Vice President
Cheney’s office to press President Bush to support demands Mahmoud Abbas
cannot possibly accept.
The
Islamic Jihad is already rattling swords over the next stage in its aim
to drive Israel out of the occupied lands and if Abbas lifts a finger to
have Hamas turn over its weapons, it would instead drive him from
office.
It
all comes to down to
Sharon
having the broad outlines of a respectable settlement worked out in his
own mind. He probably has no plan in mind for the demolition of the
"settlements" on the
West
Bank, which are now closer to being thriving small cities and towns. A
solution would have to involve a Palestinian democracy whereby the
400,000 Jews would be given the option of remaining where they are and
accepting citizenship in the new Palestinian state.
What
might make this work would be a Palestinian state’s commitment to turn
what is now the public property of
Israel
over to the residents, who could sell the titles if they wish to leave
for residence in Israel or wherever.
As George Melloan of the Wall Street Journal points out, most of the
problems in the occupied territories flow from neither Arab nor Jew
having title to the land the work and live upon. The privatisation of
the land would be a boon to one and all.
Pat Buchanan ended his skeptical view of what comes next with: "When
there is no vision, the people perish." In that sense, a vision of how
the Middle East might look after all is said and done, "a land of milk
and honey," that we can now be more optimistic about the future than
we have been for several decades.
* Jude Wanniski is a former associate editor of The Wall
Street Journal, expert on supply-side economics and founder of Polyconomics,
which helps to interpret the impact of political events on financial
markets.