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The recent
proposal that Norway boycott Israeli goods has provoked passionate
debate. In my view, a rational examination of this issue would pose two
questions: 1) Do Israeli human rights violations warrant an economic
boycott? and 2) Can such a boycott make a meaningful contribution toward
ending these violations? I would argue that both these questions should
be answered in the affirmative.
Although the
subject of many reports by human rights organizations, Israel's real
human rights record in the
Occupied
Palestinian
Territory is generally not well known abroad. This is primarily due to
the formidable public relations industry of Israel's defenders as well
as the effectiveness of their tactics of intimidation, such as labelling
critics of Israeli policy anti-Semitic.
Yet, it is an
incontestable fact that
Israel
has committed a broad range of human rights violations, many rising to
the level of war crimes and crimes against humanity. These include:
Illegal Killings. Whereas Palestinian suicide attacks targeting Israeli
civilians have garnered much media attention, Israel's quantitatively
worse record of killing non-combatants is less well known. According to
the most recent figures of the
Israeli
Information
Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories (B'Tselem), 3,386
Palestinians have been killed since September 2000, of whom 1,008 were
identified as combatants, as opposed to 992 Israelis killed, of whom 309
were combatants. This means that three times more Palestinians than
Israelis have been killed and up to three times more Palestinian
civilians than Israeli civilians. Israel's defenders maintain that
there's a difference between targeting civilians and inadvertently
killing them. B'Tselem disputes this: "[W]hen so many civilians have
been killed and wounded, the lack of intent makes no difference. Israel
remains responsible." Furthermore, Amnesty International reports that
"many" Palestinians have not been accidentally killed but "deliberately
targeted," while the award-winning New York Times journalist Chris
Hedges reports that Israeli soldiers "entice children like mice into a
trap and murder them for sport."
Torture.
"From 1967," Amnesty reports, "the Israeli security services have
routinely tortured Palestinian political suspects in the Occupied
Territories." B'Tselem found that eighty-five percent of Palestinians
interrogated by Israeli security services were subjected to "methods
constituting torture," while already a decade ago Human Rights Watch
estimated that "the number of Palestinians tortured or severely
ill-treated" was "in the tens of thousands - a number that becomes
especially significant when it is remembered that the universe of adult
and adolescent male Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza is under
three-quarters of one million." In 1987 Israel became "the only country
in the world to have effectively legalized torture" (Amnesty). Although
the Israeli Supreme Court seemed to ban torture in a 1999 decision, the
Public Committee Against Torture in Israel reported in 2003 that Israeli
security forces continued to apply torture in a "methodical and routine"
fashion. A 2001 B'Tselem study documented that Israeli security forces
often applied "severe torture" to "Palestinian minors."
House
demolitions.
"Israel has implemented a policy of mass demolition of Palestinian
houses in the Occupied Territories," B'Tselem reports, and since
September 2000 "has destroyed some 4,170 Palestinian homes." Until just
recently Israel routinely resorted to house demolitions as a form of
collective punishment. According to Middle East Watch, apart from
Israel,
the only other country in the world that used such a draconian
punishment was Iraq under Saddam Hussein. In addition,
Israel
has demolished thousands of "illegal" homes that Palestinians built
because of Israel's refusal to provide building permits. The motive
behind destroying these homes, according to Amnesty, has been to
maximize the area available for Jewish settlers: "Palestinians are
targeted for no other reason than they are Palestinians." Finally,
Israel has destroyed hundred of homes on security pretexts, yet a Human
Rights Watch report on Gaza found that "the pattern of
destruction…strongly suggests that Israeli forces demolished homes
wholesale, regardless of whether they posed a specific threat." Amnesty
likewise found that "Israel's extensive destruction of homes and
properties throughout the
West Bank
and Gaza…is
not justified by military necessity," and that "Some of these acts of
destruction amount to grave breaches of the Fourth Geneva Convention and
are war crimes."
Apart from the
sheer magnitude of its human rights violations, the uniqueness of
Israeli policies merits notice. "Israel
has created in the Occupied Territories a regime of separation based on
discrimination, applying two separate systems of law in the same area
and basing the rights of individuals on their nationality," B'Tselem has
concluded. "This regime is the only one of its kind in the world, and is
reminiscent of distasteful regimes from the past, such as the apartheid
regime in
South Africa."
If singling out South Africa for an international economic boycott was
defensible, it would seem equally defensible to single out Israel's
occupation, which uniquely resembles the apartheid regime.
Although an
economic boycott can be justified on moral grounds, the question remains
whether diplomacy might be more effectively employed instead. The
documentary record in this regard, however, is not encouraging. The
basic terms for resolving the Israel-Palestine conflict are embodied in
U.N. resolution 242 and subsequent U.N. resolutions, which call for a
full Israeli withdrawal from the West Bank and Gaza and the
establishment of a Palestinian state in these areas in exchange for
recognition of Israel's right to live in peace and security with its
neighbors. Each year the overwhelming majority of member States of the
United Nations vote in favor of this two-state settlement, and each year
Israel
and the United States (and a few South Pacific islands) oppose it.
Similarly, in March 2002 all twenty-two member States of the Arab League
proposed this two-state settlement as well as "normal relations with
Israel."
Israel ignored the proposal.
Not only has
Israel stubbornly rejected this two-state settlement, but the policies
it is currently pursuing will abort any possibility of a viable
Palestinian state. While world attention has been riveted by Israel's
redeployment from Gaza, Sara Roy of Harvard University observes that the
"Gaza Disengagement Plan is, at heart, an instrument for Israel's
continued annexation of West Bank land and the physical integration of
that land into Israel." In particular Israel has been constructing a
wall deep inside the West Bank that will annex the most productive land
and water resources as well as East Jerusalem, the center of Palestinian
life. It will also effectively sever the
West Bank
in two. Although Israel initially claimed that it was building the wall
to fight terrorism, the consensus among human rights organizations is
that it is really a land grab to annex illegal Jewish settlements into
Israel.
Recently Israel's Justice Minister frankly acknowledged that the wall
will serve as "the future border of the state of
Israel."
The current
policies of the Israeli government will lead either to endless bloodshed
or the dismemberment of Palestine. "It remains virtually impossible to
conceive of a Palestinian state without its capital in Jerusalem," the
respected Crisis Group recently concluded, and accordingly Israeli
policies in the West Bank "are at war with any viable two-state solution
and will not bolster Israel's security; in fact, they will undermine it,
weakening Palestinian pragmatists…and sowing the seeds of growing
radicalization."
Recalling the
U.N.
Charter principle that it is inadmissible to acquire territory by war,
the International Court of Justice declared in a landmark 2004 opinion
that Israel's settlements in the Occupied Palestinian Territory and the
wall being built to annex them to Israel were illegal under
international law. It called on Israel to cease construction of the
wall, dismantle those parts already completed and compensate
Palestinians for damages. Crucially, it also stressed the legal
responsibilities of the international community: all States are under an
obligation not to recognize the illegal situation resulting from the
construction of the wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory,
including in and around East Jerusalem. They are also under an
obligation not to render aid or assistance in maintaining the situation
created by such construction. It is also for all States, while
respecting the United Nations Charter and international law, to see to
it that any impediment, resulting from the construction of the wall, to
the exercise by the Palestinian people of its right to
self-determination is brought to an end.
A subsequent U.N.
General Assembly resolution supporting the World Court opinion passed
overwhelmingly. However, the Israeli government ignored the Court's
opinion, continuing construction at a rapid pace, while Israel's Supreme
Court ruled that the wall was legal.
Due to the
obstructionist tactics of the
United States,
the United Nations has not been able to effectively confront Israel's
illegal practices. Indeed, although it is true that the U.N. keeps
Israel to a double standard, it's exactly the reverse of the one
Israel's defenders allege: Israel is held not to a higher but lower
standard than other member States. A study by Marc Weller of Cambridge
University comparing Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territory with
comparable situations in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, East Timor,
occupied Kuwait and Iraq, and Rwanda found that Israel has enjoyed
"virtual immunity" from enforcement measures such as an arms embargo and
economic sanctions typically adopted by the U.N. against member States
condemned for identical violations of international law. Due in part to
an aggressive campaign accusing Europe of a "new anti-Semitism," the
European Union has also failed in its legal obligation to enforce
international law in the Occupied Palestinian Territory. Although the
claim of a "new anti-Semitism" has no basis in fact (all the evidence
points to a lessening of anti-Semitism in
Europe),
the EU has reacted by appeasing
Israel. It has
even suppressed publication of one of its own reports, because the
authors -- like the Crisis Group and many others -- concluded that due
to Israeli policies the "prospects for a two-state solution with east
Jerusalem as the capital of Palestine are receding."
The moral burden
to avert the impending catastrophe must now be borne by individual
states that are prepared to respect their obligations under
international law and by individual men and women of conscience. In a
courageous initiative American-based Human Rights Watch recently called
on the U.S. government to reduce significantly its financial aid to
Israel until Israel terminates its illegal policies in the West Bank. An
economic boycott would seem to be an equally judicious undertaking. A
non-violent tactic the purpose of which is to achieve a just and lasting
settlement of the Israel-Palestine conflict cannot legitimately be
called anti-Semitic. Indeed, the real enemies of Jews are those who
cheapen the memory of Jewish suffering by equating principled opposition
to Israel's illegal and immoral policies with anti-Semitism.
*Source: Aftenposten (Norway)