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As
the procession of Hamas leaders headed down Salaheddin highway on their
way to the Rafah crossing, two other cars were speeding ahead carrying
the team who would advise the leaders during their meetings with
Egyptian officials. Although Hamas leaders had announced that their
delegation would include an advisory team, they refused to reveal the
identities of its members and kept them out of contact with the press.
There is no doubt that Hamas is heading to Cairo ready to take crucial
decisions. Al-Ahram Weekly has learned that among the advisors
are Ahmed Abu Shamaa and Nazal Awadallah, whom Hamas leaders routinely
consult before taking any major decision. So what margin of
manoeuvrability will the Hamas delegation have?
An official Hamas source confided to the Weekly that Hamas
leaders have a clear idea of what Egyptian officials intend to propose
and, hence, a clear perception of the principles that should underline
an Egyptian-sponsored formula for a solution to the internal Palestinian
rift. According to the source, Hamas will insist upon the following.
First, it will reject a "government of professionals," which it believes
is little more than a surreptitious way to remove Hamas from power in
Gaza. According to the Hamas source, Hamas leaders are aware of how
enthusiastic Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas and Egyptian officials
are for such a government, but Hamas's position on the matter is
absolute and final. On the other hand, he said that Hamas leaders could
agree to a "national reconciliation" government consisting of
representatives of the factions and independent national figures. After
all, they are aware that differences over the nature of the government
will pale next to the differences over the political programme of that
government. In this regard, Hamas insists that the programme must be
grounded on the Mecca Agreement signed between Hamas and Fatah in
February 2007 and not the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO)
formula that Abbas now advocates. According to the Weekly 's
source, Hamas could be flexible over the premiership but not the
government's political programme.
Second, Hamas opposes any extension to Abbas's term as president outside
of the framework of the agreement between Fatah and Hamas. The Hamas
delegation intends to make it clear to Egyptian officials that as of 8
January 2009, when Palestinian presidential elections are scheduled,
Hamas will regard Abbas as solely the leader of Fatah, not as the
president of the Palestinian Authority (PA). Hamas also opposes early
legislative elections, which it insists should be held at their
appointed time in January 2010. On the other hand, it could agree to an
extension of Abbas's term if an agreement could be reached over a
package of solutions to other pending points of contention.
Third, Hamas insists that any restructuring of the security apparatus
must extend beyond Gaza to the West Bank as well, which Abbas and Fatah
oppose. Hamas leaders will point to the flagrant collusion between
Abbas's security forces and the Israeli occupation army against
Palestinian resistance groups in the West Bank and will demand that all
security forces be subject to clearly stated frameworks of national and
legal principles so as to ensure that they serve the national interests
of the Palestinian people. The Hamas delegation will also raise the
matter of the campaign of arrest and attacks against Hamas activists in
the West Bank, which it takes as an indication of Abbas's lack of
sincerity towards the forthcoming talks.
Fourth, Hamas opposes the idea of an Arab peacekeeping force in Gaza,
although it is willing to agree to a mission of Arab experts to help
restructure Palestinian security agencies. In this regard, Hamas leader
Mahmoud Al-Zahar denied recent reports to the effect that Hamas demanded
that former Palestinian National Security Adviser Jebril Al-Rajoub be
put in charge of the restructuring of security forces. "Hamas could not
possibly have adopted such a position," he said.
Finally, Hamas will raise the question of the future of civil servant
positions in the PA. The Ismail Haniyeh government had to absorb
thousands of individuals in its institutions in Gaza when the Fayyad
government stopped paying salaries to civil servants in Gaza after the
Hamas takeover there.
Khalil Al-Haya, a member of the Hamas leadership, told the Weekly
that Hamas hopes to reach an agreement that resolves all outstanding
differences so as to leave no points pending that might cause problems
in the future. A member of the Hamas delegation on its way to Cairo, Al-Haya
said that the best proof of Hamas's resolve to bring the Cairo talks a
successful conclusion is the high level of representation in its
delegation and the presence of an advisory body to help it take the
appropriate decisions when the time comes. He believes that the factions
have to reach an agreement over the full gamut of outstanding issues
between them, especially those pertaining to partnership in government,
the restructuring of the PLO, the restructuring of the security
agencies, and the establishment of proper governing structures.
Al-Haya added that he finds the practices that the Fayyad government in
Ramallah is taking against Hamas leaders and activists in the West Bank,
and the escalatory tone of statements issued by some officials in
Ramallah, disturbing. He also expressed his concern over Israeli and US
influence over the Palestinian president through whom Tel Aviv and
Washington would exercise their "veto" which would jeopardise the Cairo
talks. On the remarks by Arab League Secretary-General Amr Moussa to the
effect that the League would blame the inter- Palestinian rift on that
party that obstructs an agreement, Al-Haya said that his movement urged
Arab leaders to propel all Palestinian factions and political forces
towards an agreement, as they did in Lebanon, without showing preference
for one side over another. "This would not be in the Arabs' interests,"
he said, adding: "What we expect is for them to help resolve the crisis,
not to complicate it further."
In contrast to the Hamas position, Abbas appears to be operating from
the standpoint that the Cairo meetings are doomed to failure due to the
enormous gap between Fatah and Hamas, the principle parties in the
conflict. He is therefore preparing for this eventuality by building an
alliance between Fatah, the left-wing Palestinian factions and, perhaps,
the Islamic Jihad. Towards this end, the Weekly has learned,
Abbas is planning a meeting of all Palestinian factions with the
exception of Hamas in Damascus. The meeting is supposed to take place on
the fringes of the Palestinian president's meeting with Syrian President
Bashar Al-Assad and Syrian Vice- President Farouk Al-Sharaa. Since the
Islamic Jihad is the only other major Islamist faction in the field,
Abbas has been keen to solicit the support of that faction or at least
to persuade it to remain neutral. Towards this end, he promised the
Islamic Jihad leadership that he would consider releasing all the
movement's detainees in the West Bank.
According to Islamic Jihad officials, PA security forces have detained
and tortured a large number of their activists. Abbas will also try to
convince the Syrian president to pressure Hamas into accepting his
position. In addition, an informed Palestinian source told the Weekly
that Abbas hopes that the Arab League will issue a resolution holding
Hamas responsible for the failure of reconciliation efforts. He,
therefore, plans to call on countries such as Sudan, Yemen and Qatar,
which he believes might have reservations against such a resolution, in
order to convince leaders there of Hamas's insincerity towards the
talks.
In short, both Hamas and Fatah are devoting considerable energies to
rallying support, warding off potential charges and taking whatever
other precautions are necessary against the prospect of failed talks in
Cairo. The intensity of such activity does not bode well for Egypt or
the Palestinian people. |
