|
Does the death of
an Arab weigh the same as that of a US or Israeli citizen? The Israeli
army, with utter impunity, has killed more unarmed Palestinian civilians
since September 2000 than the number of people who died on September 11,
2001. In conducting 238 extrajudicial executions the army has also
killed 186 bystanders (including 26 women and 39 children). Two thirds
of the 621 children (two thirds under 15 years) killed at checkpoints,
in the street, on the way to school, in their homes, died from small
arms fire, directed in over half of cases to the head, neck and
chest—the sniper's wound. Clearly, soldiers are routinely authorised to
shoot to kill children in situations of minimal or no threat. These
statistics attract far less publicity than suicide bombings, atrocious
though these are too.
Amnesty
International has called for an investigation into the killing of Asma
al-Mughayr (16 years) and her brother Ahmad (13 years) on the roof
terrace of their home in Rafah on 18 May, each with a single bullet to
the head. Asma had been taking clothes off the drying line and Ahmad
feeding pigeons. Amnesty noted that the firing appeared to have come
from the top floor of a nearby house, which had been taken over by
Israeli soldiers shortly before. Amnesty suspects that this is not
"caught in crossfire," this is murder.
Israeli military
reoccupation of the West Bank and Gaza—a system of military checkpoints
splitting towns and villages into ghettos, curfews, closures, raids,
mass demolition and destruction of houses (more than 60 000), and land
expropriations—has made ordinary life impossible for everyone, and is
driving Palestinian society and its institutions towards destitution.
Moreover, Israel has been constructing a grotesque barrier that, when
completed, will total over 400 miles—four times longer than the Berlin
Wall. Extending up to 15 miles into Palestinian territory, the real
purpose of the wall is permanently to lock more than 50 illegal Israeli
settlements into Israel proper. This is expansive, aggressive
colonisation, in defiance of the International Court of Justice in The
Hague and the United Nations General Assembly resolution of last July.
Last year a UN
rapporteur concluded that Gaza and the West Bank were "on the brink of a
humanitarian catastrophe." The World Bank estimates that 60% of the
population are subsisting at poverty level (£1.12; $2; 1.6 per day), a
tripling in only three years. Half a million people are now completely
dependent upon food aid, and Amnesty International has expressed concern
that the Israeli army has been hampering distribution in Gaza. Over half
of all households are eating only one meal per day. A study by Johns
Hopkins and Al Quds universities found that 20% of children under 5
years old were anaemic, 9.3% were acutely malnourished, and a further
13.2% chronically malnourished. The doctors I met on a professional
visit in March pointed to a rising prevalence of anaemia in pregnant
women and low birthweight babies.
The coherence of
the Palestinian health system is being destroyed. The wall will isolate
97 primary health clinics and 11 hospitals from the populations they
serve. Qalqilya hospital, which primarily serves refugees, has seen a
40% fall in follow up appointments because patients cannot enter the
city. There have been at least 87 documented cases (including 30
children) in which denial of access to medical treatment has led
directly to deaths, including those of babies born while women were held
up at checkpoints. The checkpoint at the entrance to some villages
closes at 7 pm and not even ambulances can pass after this time. As a
recent example, a man in a now fenced in village near Qalqilya
approached the gate with his seriously ill daughter in his arms, and
begged the soldiers on duty to let him pass so that he could take her to
hospital. The soldiers refused, and a Palestinian doctor summoned from
the other side was also refused access to the child. The doctor was
obliged to attempt a physical examination, and to give the girl an
injection, through the wire.
There are
consistent reports of ambulances containing gravely ill people being hit
by gunfire, or detained at checkpoints while drivers and paramedics are
interrogated, searched, threatened, humiliated, and assaulted. Wounded
men are abducted from ambulances at checkpoints and sent directly to
prison. Clearly marked clinics are fired on, and doctors and other
health workers shot dead on duty.
Physicians for
Human Rights (Israel) have lambasted the Israeli Medical Association (IMA)
for its silence in the face of these systematic violations of the Fourth
Geneva Convention, which guarantees the right to health care and the
protection of health professionals as they do their duty. Remarkably,
IMA president Dr Y Blachar is currently chairperson of the council of
the World Medical Association (WMA), the official international watchdog
on medical ethics. A supine BMA appears in collusion with this farce at
the WMA. Others are silenced by a fear of being labelled "anti-semitic,"
a term used in a morally corrupt way by the pro-Israel lobby in order to
silence. How are we to affect this shocking situation, one which to this
South African-born doctor has gone further than the excesses of the
apartheid era.
• Honorary senior lecturer, Institute of
Psychiatry, London This article first appeared in the BMJ 2004;329:924
(16 October). |