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It's not one of the objectives of this essay to detect the
manifestations of the Islamic action in Palestine, Iran, Lebanon,
and the rest of the posts effecting the arena of conflict, rather,
it aims at reading some of the hidden contents of the Quds Universal
Day's initiative,
which emerged from Iran in the wake of the victory, to represent one
of the lines of communication with Palestine, and a manifestation of
the Islamic Posture after its long absence.
The first thing that we notice in this respect is the reservation,
or the observation that some would make, while viewing Quds day as
if it was a slogan that originated in a moment of zeal, then faded
away after its energy and motivating power had been consumed.
Also, some could direct this initiative on the basis of what the
revolution and its new regime need, in terms of coverings necessary
for it to extend to the Arab arena.
In short, we could say about this observation that it might have
expressed a real fact, only if the Quds day initiative had emerged
from the lobbies of politics. But, since it was a first hand
initiative of Imam Khomeini, then, suffice it to remind that this
Imam had an established stance that conferred on him enough probity
to refute such an observation. Furthermore, the Imam's approach was
as most as it could be far from being content with releasing
slogans, as indicated by his methodology in practicing actions
capable of forcing the change, before and after the revolution.
Perhaps, the Imam's initiative about Quds day lacked the
appropriate means of expressing and tools of excelling, especially
that some media chose to deal with Quds day as a matter indicating a
symbolic entity of concentrated significance, while it can be
noticed clearly that this initiative went far beyond the scope of
symbols and slogans, all the way up to the level of a thesis,
although the latter still lacked the appropriate tools of excelling
and means of expression.
From slogan to thesis
The most dangerous attempt to abort the Quds Universal Day
initiative, other than the abovementioned reservations, is what came
to be revealed by the attitude of some, and what others had
attempted to derogate down to the level of mere symbolism, despite
all the importance the symbol has in terms of mobilizing and
motivating the masses in the confrontational battle against the
Zionist enemy.
Anyone who examines Imam Khomeini's scripts that encompass this
matter would most clearly realize the Quds Day is an expression of
an Islamic thesis capable of mobilizing the nation and directing its
struggle towards a certain cause, starting from a certain identity.
But this argument, in turn will remain at the level of the slogan
if it's neglected, as such, and left without a revealing analysis of
the components and objectives. Analytically, we can point to the
following ideas:
First,
any journey can continue and persist only by its ability to act and
give, through a thesis, more than anything else. If the Imam was
ever to address the cause of Palestine and Quds, through the work of
the technical systems and tools, he would have become another number
added to the numbers posed on the arena of this case.
Choosing, as he did, to touch the sensitive dogmatic of the nation,
and bring back to the latter's consciousness the prestigious status
of Quds, as a center of its history and life, and as a raising role
towards its centrality, so that this nation can restore its desired
worldwide civilizational role, then it's something else that goes
far beyond the slogan, all the way up to the level of a thesis.
Otherwise, it would have been very easy for the Islamic revolution,
in the middle of its enthusiastic victory, to form a front for
resistance that could express its persuasion, with which its stance
would have never been other than a mere addition to the existing
factions, as did some of the regimes that wanted to accord
themselves a spectacular presence on the Palestinian arena.
But Iran dismissed this manner, because the Imam, himself, was too
great to be epitomized in a faction, and because he knew that the
journey could be perpetuated by means of a thesis that makes a
fundamental and influential element, more than anything else,
exactly as has been the role of the Qura'n which represents an
inspiring thesis to the Islamic course, with all its cycles and
manifestations.
Second,
based on our discussion above, we realize that a thesis possesses
more energy for reaction with people's consciousness and aspirations
than do systems, parties, and establishments, and more than factions
can perform, especially with a cause such as the cause of Palestine
which has witnessed countless sorts of dealings. As such, a thesis
is much more capable of mobilizing the nation within the frame of a
certain identity, than any technical apparatus specialized in
managing actions and conflicts. Furthermore,
the scope of a thesis is too wide to be confined to the limits of
the struggle that the executive apparatus perform.
But, it doesn't mean that the role of apparatuses must be
neutralized , as much as it means adjusting their position in the
course of the struggle with the enemy, for the arena wasn't in need
of more apparatuses , factions and organizations, as much as it
required a solid ground upon which the confrontational structure can
be based against the enemy. Precisely, in this context , lied the
success and creativity of Imam Khomeini in the interaction with the
nation, through the sphere of the thesis, until it was time for the
creation of the tools of struggle , after the interaction is
accomplished , and in a way that meets the practical requirements of
confrontation, on condition that all this be accomplished by the
masses themselves , since it's the masses who interact with the
thesis , and again- as a result- the will to act, so as to generate
a new reality that dictates establishing proactive tools of work.
This is what happened, exactly within the overall space of actions,
which moved in the Islamic framework along with the Palestinian
arena and became more evident through the blessed intifada that
witnessed a tremendous innovation in terms of action tool which
guarantee the perpetuation of the struggle.
Third,
by following an accurate theoretical and empirical analysis, we
conclude that the crisis of the past and current framework of all of
what's known as " the Arab Palestinian Liberation Movement" lies
primarily in its lack of an of an effective thesis capable of
granting the struggle a distinct identity and a well defined avenue
to stick to. This stalemate has become discernible through any
analytical approach, no matter how simplified , because of the
prominent events the region has witnessed since June 1967 and on:
the October war (1973), Sadat's visit to Quds(1978) , the invasion
of Lebanon (1982) , the first Intifada (1987) , and finally the
series of setbacks which occurred in the wake of Madrid conference
and the Oslo accords of 1993, until the eruption of Al-Aqsa uprise
in September 2000( still going to this day), not to mention the
occupation of Iraq by the United States.
Political subordination , perse, dangerous as it is, and besides
being the raison de^tre to much of what we are in, is a result in
itself, or is- at least- related to a deeper predicament which lies
in the wavering or absence of the identity, or may be in the
deviation from this identity. The absence of Islam, as a prevailing
identity at the level of regimes and the dynamic motion of the
nation, in its presence and structural manifestations, is the thing
that dealt the nation a lethal strike through what it has been
suffering in Palestine and Iraq, and other places.
Similarly, this point brings us
back to the Quds Day, as a thesis and an alternative of what the
current predicament is about.
Fourth,
from a civilizational, dynamic, and even empirical point of view, in
the realm of the activity of nations and cultures, we can see that a
thesis, as a conceptual and dogmatic system, rests upon a set of
fixed notions in the nation's consciousness and history, and is much
more capable of achieving success in crystallizing the course of
struggle, than any other available tool.
True that the function of apparatuses can deliver its benefits more
quickly, nevertheless, these benefits can never be more than a
transient glare that fades away rapidly, whereas a thesis interacts
overtime , and its interactions cause the movement to grow and
develop, until it produces its technical and executive apparatuses
and tools adequate to the nation's awareness and the needs of
reality and struggle, away from Bureaucratic accumulations and
administrative flaccidity, which consumes the energy of the
resistance in the struggle.
As much as the thesis relates to the nation's identity and the
purport of its dynamic and intellectual affiliation, it's almost
certain that this thesis would be more capable of advancing the
movement and empowering it, by virtue of the harmony it creates
between the nation and its dogma.
Finally, based upon the aforementioned factors, we
underscore that we were not surprised by the Islamic activity in
Palestine, or by the outburst of the Intifada, with its Islamic
slogans and identity, as much as we were waiting for it and we were
never to miss its anticipated birth.
It was definite that the Quds day thesis would ripen and deliver its
fruits, as a forceful rubric capable of changing the reality, like
other thesis that are deeply rooted in the nation's history, belief,
and consciousness . The Islamic activism had started as a natural
product of the Islamic contemporary achievement, and so did the
intifada, as a legitimate by product of it.
If it weren't for the Islamic Activism to break forth, through the
intifada and other manifestations, then it would have been a strange
thing that causes astonishments and wondering, because Islamic
activism is inevitable, contrary to the "automatic inevitability"
described by the fading Marxism, through the methodology of its
historic and social analysis of historical materialism. Such
inevitability has long been desolated by its own people, to say
nothing about other peoples. What we refer to, by the '
inevitability "of the Islamic
activism, is the willful response to the established, deep-rooted
rubrics, which command the movement of thesis since the first
prophetical ancestry ( Adam, peace be upon him) till the concluding
/Islamic thesis.
Potentials
and Merits of a thesis
The Islamic thesis has tremendous potentials capable of managing the
struggle, and before that, in terms of mobilizing the nation and
detonating a real confrontation with the enemy, with the aim of
adjusting the aggravated Islamic reality. In order to identify these
capacities and merits clearly and deeply as required,
we must review the following points:
1-
Only the Islamic thesis is capable of
confronting the enemy on the ground, in the field, theoretically and
operationally, through its Islamic understanding and political
awareness emanating from the perspective of Islam, and from a point
of view that all the means and projects have been unable to achieve
up till this day. To clarify this, we say that the Zionist entity
leans in justifying his steps, stances and plans, on a religious
logic purporting to create a conviction that he aims at fulfilling
Talmudic teachings, and
it is evident that this entity has become drowned to his ears in the
Talmudic phenomenon, to an extent that negates any possible
differentiation between him and his "Torah" and Talmud, despite his
secular institution.
The "Torah" about which we are talking here is not the holy word
that Allah revealed to his prophet Moses, the interlocutor;
rather, it's the distorted speech that had grown through a long
history of forgery and falsification.
And here, we find ourselves in front of an astonishing paradox.
Israel is facing us, on all occasions, with a Torah text and a Torah
slogan, and we confront it with the slogan of secularism.
What a misery! We have always tried to retort, with the slogan of
secularism, in the face of theological phenomenon that has very deep
roots. Why hasn't the regimes and formal bodies involved taken the
initiative of facing the enemy in the same manner? We are not
interested in the answer, which is already known, rather, we're
interested in affirming that the Islamic thesis –alone- has been
able to put an end to the "Torah" phenomenon, that the enemy had
armed itself with, this can be done by arming the nation with the "Qur'anic
phenomenon" as an alternative and confrontational argument. Thus, we
can build a concrete wall to bolster the horrible, tumbledown,
state of affairs in front of us.
2-
The Islamic thesis holds the potentials
capable of adjusting the civilizational balance in favor of the
nation's self- probing process. After that, such a thesis can
mobilize the nation, and then move it towards assuming the leading
position which was described in the Qur'an as the "medium position".
As such, we find that no political or technical argument would be
efficient enough, no matter how successful, to ascend to the
civilized level that the Islamic thesis can guarantee, because
civilization can only be based upon integrated global values , and
can only start off from a basis of a grand political achievement.
3-
Serving as denotation that condenses the
understanding of Islam and its position, the Quds Day thesis has
restored to Palestine and Quds their central position in the
confrontation between the nation and its enemies. The battle is in
Quds, for Quds, and on behalf of Quds, for it's a symbol that
condenses the civilizational , open, and comprehensive conflict ,
between the arrogant western powers and the Zionist movement, on the
one hand, and in the Islamic liberation movements and forces across
our Arab and Islamic world, on the other. It's a continuous
confrontation which will most certainly proceed, until the nightmare
of occupation and injustice is over for our grieved Palestinian
people and the peoples of this entire region.
The Islamic Revolution as an Embodiment of the Imam's Thesis
After the Islamic revolution's victory in Iran, and according to the
slogan raised by Imam Khomeini:"
Today Iran, an Tomorrow Palestine", which the Iranian masses have
reiterated, defending Palestine has become one of the Iranian
foreign policy priorities, the foundations of which had been set by
the Imam, in a declaration that clarified the Iranian revolution's
view of the "Israeli" danger that threatens Iranian and Arab
security. In this declaration, one can read:
" … So, the objective, for the great colonial states, wasn't just
occupying Palestine, but rather, all the Arab states will meet the
same destiny if Israel" were to have a chance…""
The replacement of the Zionist entity's embassy in Tehran,
with Palestine embassy, soon
after the Islamic revolution's victory, was one of the first
decisions made by the revolutionary government in Iran. This
decision came with another decision to sever the relations with the
Zionist entity, as the first political measurement that caused
thunderous effect, in a region where the Shahenshah regime had been
providing the Zionist entity with 60 percent of its oil demands, and
where the Zionists and the shah had served as a spearhead for the
anti-Soviet U.S policy in the middle east.
The Iranian researcher, Zamel Sa'eedy, indicates that some
Palestinians haven't yet understood this Islamic revolutionary
stance, because the forced (Iraq- Iran) war came to reveal a bitter
reality that gave foremost preference to the nationalistic
considerations, based on fanaticism, at the expense of Islamic
consideration and their global orientations, which are beyond
limits, and which view Muslims only as being Muslims, wherever they
existed.
Many Iranians felt frustrated because fanatic emotions overwhelmed
Islamic interests. But that frustration was never to go beyond its
limits, and never infiltrated to the Muslim Iranian people's belief
in the justice of the Palestinian cause and the need to defend it,
especially that Palestine is considered as holy Islamic land that
incurred aggression and usurpation, and that the Palestinian cause
comprises a strategic axis for the whole Islamic nation.
All of that came as a result of the principal posture that
Imam Khomeini had declared on a certain occasion, when he said:
((.. I frankly announce to the heads of Islamic and Arab states, and
to the whole world, that Muslim Clergy,
the believing people of Iran, and the proud Iranian Army,
are all related to the Arab peoples and to liberated Islamic states
with true brotherly ties, sharing with them their concerns, for
better and for worse, and declaring their condemnation and
denunciation of the royal authority's alliance with "Israel", the
enemy of Islam and Iran…)).
The Quds day declaration, on the last Friday of Ramadan month,
represented an occasion to confirm the commitment of leaders of the
Islamic republic to the Palestinian cause, and this is what the Imam
maintained, when he said that Quds day is a universal day, and not a
day that pertain to Quds only. It's the day on which the oppressed
confront the supercilious (…) It's the day on which they must rise,
and we must rise, in order to rescue Quds, and to rescue our
Palestinian brothers from this injustice (…) we must declare to all
great powers, on Quds day, that they should take their hands off the
oppressed, and keep confined to their places. Israel is an enemy to
mankind and to humanity (...) Quds day is not a day for Palestine
only. It's a day for Islam , a day on which the flag of the Islamic
Republic will flutter over all the countries, a day on which we
declare to the great powers that they wouldn't be able to advance in
Islamic Countries…))
Moreover, Imam Ayatollah Sayyed 'Ali Khaminaee', the present leader
of the Islamic Republic of Iran, maintained that Quds day is the day
on which the inflamed emotions of the nation should coalesce ,and
unite, for the sake of the Palestinian cause, and then we must
invest these emotions in order to solve the Palestinian issue (..)
As a people who see their destiny tied to the destiny of Palestine,
we desire to mobilize all our forces on the road to liberating the
honorable Quds…)).
His eminence , Ayatollah Ali Akbar Hashemi Refsanjani, the head of
the " Council for the Assessment of the interest of the regime"
indicated previously that "… the objective for the faithful
revolutionary people of Iran, is not to settle for slogans and
propaganda, and the goal sought by declaring the last Friday of
blessed Ramadan a day for Quds is to bring Islamic states and
peoples to unite more than ever, so that they can prepare for Jihad
( holy war) in order to restore the Palestinian people's right and
defeat the Imperialist Zionist enemy.
It's worth mentioning that, during this stage of Iran's relationship
with Palestine, there no longer exists any gap or contradiction
between the official and public stances. Instead, there is total
cohesion between the two, in terms of supporting the
struggle of Palestinian people and resisting the Zionist
entity and its regional and international allies. And that's what
has always been stressed through the Iranian's holding of Palestine
and its cause as a uniting factor that joins Arab and Iranians
alike. Someone has summed up this conception as follows:
((.. the Palestinian cause manifests itself as a uniting and joining
factor among the members of the whole Islamic nation, and-
naturally- one can view it as a means of uniting Arabs and Iranians,
since they are all under the banner of Islam. The proof of that is
the following:
First- the Arabs saw in the Palestinian cause
a nationalist cause of their own, exactly as did the Muslims who saw
in it their first cause, since Palestine embraces their first "Qibla",
and it's unacceptable for them that it remains usurped, and when
there is only one common cause, with identical views around it, the
interested people will gather in one rank, willingly or unwillingly.
Second- the common dangers, somehow related to
the Palestinian cause, strongly unites the Iranians, Arabs and the
rest of Muslims. At first glance, one can detect many of the dangers
threatening the Islamic world from the side of Zionism and its
arrogant defenders (….)
Third- every Arab and Muslim state is a target
for the powers that went too far in plundering the wealths of these
regions, no matter how different are the ways of expressing their
targeting. For example, they accuse Iran of pursuing terrorism and
nuclear armament, and they threat to hit Iran for a single goal,
which is to persuade it not oppose the solutions they want to force
it in Palestine. On the other side, they often threaten to cut
financial aid to Egypt, and talk about punishing it and requesting
the Nile water, because Egypt insists that the Zionist enemy sign
the "Nuclear Weapons non – proliferation Treaty" if the Arab states
were required to sign such a treaty.
Contrary to what Israelis claim, concerning the equalization
between Jews and Zionists by the leaders of the Islamic revolution,
it is clear enough that the leaders of this revolution, in its
different stages, and through their statements and the texts of the
constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran, have often stressed
that they differentiate – in their perception- between the Jew and
the Zionist, and they made clear that an Iranian Jew could become a
Zionist when an if he practices activities that show enmity towards
Iran or serve the (interests of) the Zionist entity.
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