Studies

The Book : from Judaism of the state till Sharon

Author : Dr. Azmi Bshara

Publisher: Dar Ashorouq

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                     The book contains 390 pages with an introduction, five sections, and sixteen chapters. At the end of every section there is a list of footnotes. It also contains an index of Arabic and English references, the Israeli newspapers and magazines, and a list of the documentary sources.

                    The Introduction:

The author defines his book and its purpose as an analysis of a special case which is “Israel's” case. He refers the structure of the Jewish democracy to its formative elements. The book is a mindful critical contribution to the understanding of Israel “Society and state” in which the means of analytical social science were used. The ideological dimension it encompasses doesn’t exceed that of the Israeli academic researches.

                    The book is not a retortion to the specialized Israelis, nor is is a response to Arab westerners, nor a confirmation that we are able to analyze them as they analyze us. The  writer is concerned in research and does not mean to play the role of a researcher or to seek “Political Correct” to protect him from mockery or severe scientific evaluation. It is not historioography of the Zionist thought. The writer wants to provide a perspective of complex society through a comprehensive view based on the required social cognitive methods in research, according to the nature of the subject without, being fanatic to an ideological system, and with a more strict analysis of the society and state in “Israel”, with a more scientific picture, by means of exposing the problems of its democracy, which the author considers an incomplete case in the Arabic researches, because one of the calamities of Arab scientific research is the prevention of knowledge accumulation as a behavioral stereotype which has almost become a nor or habit where the researcher considers himself the first to write about the topic of the research.

                   We still have to  mention that Dr.Bshara is conscious of the position from which he criticizes the society and state in “Israel”!

 

Section I : Chapter 1: Contradictions of the Jewish Democracy.

                   Israel isn’t a dictatorship nor astate  ruled by a military or a single party. It is a state with general and proportional Parliamentary elections available. The whole country is a regarded as one electoral zone, and people vote to partisan lists and not to individuals. When non sectarian parties dominate, it will be the ideal way for the nation to build a state.

                 There were many endeavors to change the electoral techniques, but all  have failed in persuading the Israeli voter of preference. Now, the elections are parliamentary and the parliament elects the Prime Minister. The post of the president is representative and ceremonial In Israel, where the separation of authorities is established alongside mechanisms of internal balancing.

The judicial authority is independent and still developing this independence armed with basic laws considered as a constitution on which this authority depends on in monitoring  the  legality of any law issued. This caused keen confrontations inside the Israeli society. From the problematics of the modern Jewish democracy are : the conflict about the relation between the religion and state, the conflict between the application of liberties or expanding it , and the conflict between the equality of citizens and the Judaism of the state>

               As for the freedom of speech, there is a prevailing freedom in Israel within the frame of the individual’s rights, but it faces a case of recruitment and employment in the national and security problems, in the case of criticism from the outside and in dealing with foreign and Arab journalists who cover what happens in the occupied Arab territories .

                The melting crucible in the Israeli society in the Israeli army and the Zionist ideology form a sticking social glue despite the class sorting  which developed widely in the Israeli society and which led to the Israeli political variety different from tribal or sectarian competition which causes civil ware.

        In consolidating this opinion, the author reviews a comprehensive statistical comparative study a bout the situations of the democratic states in questioning, representation, stability, extent of representation, rights of citizens, liberties, corruption and press. The study gives low marks to Israel in questioning (because of the army interference in decision making), also in human rights and civil rights (because of the breach of Arab rights in West Bank and Gaza Strip), the same in the application of the social equality, Israel occupies a middle status in the independence degree of “the systems of law Execution”, the econonomical and political rights and the cultural distinction occupies a high status in the proportion of representation in the parliament and control in the state. The study shows that the Jewish democracy marks a continuous decrease in the confidence of the public. It reveals that the definition of equality to Arabs in the state of the Jews means giving them rights at this or that degree and not complete equality among citizens irrespective of their belongings Israel doesn’t separate between the nation, nationality and religion, so it can’t separate between the religion and state. Here lies another problem like the culture of settling that hinders democracy. Also considering the state not a Jewish state but the state of the Jews, that is the state of many who are not citizens in it. The new conservatives in Israel see in this state as a natural case for “the National state”. This theorizing concludes that “Israel” is an ordinary secular case among other states and not a theological state, although their proof depends on the “Sacred History”. They don’t notice the hidden contradiction between the sovereignty and Judaism which is seen by the beholder from the outsides this contradiction is historical and formative concerning the colonial nature of Israel which arose as a colonial state or within the frame of a colonial activity, and this can’t develop democracy.

  Chapter2 : A Jewish and democratic state:

               Ben Gorion wrote “ We don’t have to separate the religion from the state since there is a unity of fate between the state of “Israel” and the Jewish people “means that there is a complete conformity between the religion and nationality as  defined by Zionism. For this the term” the Jewish people which is a synonym to the Jewish religion is used in “Israel”.

             Despite the differences among Israeli researchers concerning their democracy and state, the language used is always one taken from the Jewish law and thought, in other meaning, they use the same source in different styles to reach results which are apparently secular, religious, national and Zionist etc… but as in the essence it is one (the land of Israel is a Godly promise, and the establishment of this state is fulfillment for this promise, so it is a legal existence).

               Before the rise of the Jewish state, the secularists, Represented by the secularist Osichkeen say “the historical request of the Jewish nation is to be returned to her boundaries in the land that the Israeli people promised by the divine care before four thousand years”. For this, these adopted the terms and ideas of the Jewish religion and its religions store for salvation to historical of looks and expressions (national – political) used by Zionism.

                The orthodox religious movements considered the Zionist movement at first as dishonest “Dishonest – Christ”, Who later reinforced the connection of religion and religious movement with Zionist since the same salvation was the bond.

               Lawfully, Israel hasn’t a constitution, but “the basic laws”, and practically, they are separated sections in the constitution when necessary .

The Supreme Court has the right to look into any law when asked for that.

When this law is a constitution with a religions essence, its revision in the Supreme Coast becomes every important process not only to confirm or strike it from the side of language and depending which from the answer whatever the mental belonging of the judge is, the language used and depending is the and after all the aim is the same: Protection of “Israel” : the land of the Jews, a Zionist State, the State of the Jews, a democratic and Jewish state….etc Barak, the Liberal says “ We are a young state with an old people returned to his homeland… the beginning of salvation is to fulfill the Zionist  sight….”As for Manahem Iloan, he concentrates on the necessity of the court to the Hebrew law and Jewish Legality in case there is a lawful gap. Then, the Supreme Court is Israeli in its Liberal and conservative sparts and settles an ideological situation for the advantage of the Zionism, it is a Zionist Court.

                The academics essure that “Israel” is the state of the Jews and it is democratic. The secularists say that the idea of the secular identity is in disperse Roan Jafezone and the secular Hirtser believe that the Jewish identity is for sure religious : Bosh, the American President said “We are committed strongly by the security of Israel as vital Jewish state”. In his Road Map he demands a Palestinian cession of every claim to have the right for the returning of the Palestinian refugees to the inside of Israel and ask the Palestinians to declare that “Israel” is a Jewish state Charoun expresses that the Arab citizens have right in the country, but not on the country. He believes that the concept of equality is impossible because the concept of rights is originally damaged.

                If the Hebrew state wants to keep its Judaism, it will find itself in a contradictory state with democracy and its values.

Chapter3 : the Eddy of the Religion in the State Historically.

Europe gave the modern Age a classical sample for the secularization process. What concerns us is the separation of the religion from the nation. This separation resulted in tension and conflict.

              In the religions world, which is a social world, a yearning rose to return unity between religion and state, then the political religion will becomes ancestral movements in the world pure of religion rose secular “sacred places” Like the nation. The home land, the ruling party….etc.

All these movements are the result of the secular process, but they use contradictory terms and concepts. This means that the religious ancestral movements differ from the religious institution because it need the process of secularization. There is a clash between ancestry and nationality as the case between the Arabic nationality and the Islamic ancestry with respect to Israel, it is the only example for the meeting of the religious ancestral trend with the national extreme direction because secularization wasn’t found in the concepts of the Zionist movement, and the clash didn’t lead to the separation between the nation and the religion.

             The clash which is still being discussed in “Israel” was not only between the nationalists and the secularists, but between the religious themselves also.

In this religious and doctrinal clash, they want to define who is the Jews. This was reflected in the Immigration law to specify the Jew. In Israel, unlike the “Nation States” the nation doesn’t coincide with the nativity. Every Israeli citizen is not part of the Israeli nation.

               In Israel the secularists adopted the idea of militarism as a melting means in the Israeli society, and this is another clash between the secularists and the religious. When the Zionism idea was put forth, it was at a clash with the religious despite using religious ideas to the extent that it described the Zionists as wicked according to the saying of the rabbi Ghore, because it aims at changing the Jews to nation as other nations. These movements believe that the salvation of the Jews is celestial and not earthly. Most of the traditional current moves gradually to coexist with Zionism and alliance with it after the rising of the state considering Israel as historical reality. The secular Zionist leader Hayeem lviseman say “God has promise is our most important document. And we don’t gain our right on the land of Israel from the British Mandate but from the Torah”

 

Section II : the Security Tendency

                The Israeli security obsession is not a more anesthesia to the crowds, or “Opium of people”, or a mere tool in the Israeli military elite hands to drive the crowds, despite the charge of this tendency to a prevailing culture in need of reasons, excuses, myths and lies we are interested in the deep mental roots of this tendency.

1-     Deep understanding to the size of the crime committed against the Palestinian people.

2-     Assimilation of the size of the Arabic hatred and the non-expecting to the approval of any Arabic in the existence of “Israel”.

3-     State building cannot be completed except on the basis of strength. armament, and permanent caution.

These three point I have their clear support which cannot be confuted in the speech of Mochi Dayyan on the day of escorting an Israeli youth killed at the hands of sneakers from Gaza on 19 April 1956, when he said in an extreme uneasy frankness: the Palestinians have been living here since eight years in refugee camps, and we in he rit their lands and villages in which they lived and in which their father lived. Lands and villages in which they lived and in which their father lived. We won’t ask the Arabs for the blood of Roic, but we ask ourselves how we paid no attention to look clearly into our destiny and see the message of our generation with all its harshness. The Arabs (in Gaza) are praying to destroy us. We have to be armed and ready morning and evening so as not to be annihilated from here, began the security tendency that dominated the political, cultural, social and economical sides of life in Israel. Israel which discerns that it rose on the debris of another people who and other Arabian people do not admit its existence, finds that there is need to convince them by using force or by wars.

             This understanding determines the Israeli policies and justifies the revenge borderline operations, the war of 1956, and waging the anticipated deterrence strength will bring peace in the end this means briefly that there is no choice before Israel except to be in a state of complete readiness to war and to wage the war to abort any Arabic plan to wage war. Ben Gorion  said, “If I were an Arabian leader, I wouldn’t accept the existence of Israel”. This is natural because use captured their land which God promised to give it to use. This security tendency was exposed to comprehensive moral criticism, but without giving the substitute Ideas from the qualities of this tendency is being not the time of war trying to justify it during battle.

          There is another situation represented by Dayyan in dealing with the revenge borderline operations not as a means of defense, but as a means to escalation towards war. This includes all sides of life because the Arabs didn’t recognize Israel, then it is in a state of security danger. With the completion of the Cheke bargain of weapons with Egypt, there was estimation for another war waged by the Arabs after 1956. After this bargain, the Israeli confessed that the security situations were tumbling down intentionally. Egypt and Syria were attacked after borderline operations. This sample was repeated when Israel found it was time for war and they began to spread intelligent reports that the Arabs were directed to war.

 

 Chapter 1: The Formation of the Security Creed

 The security creed was formed with its military  strategic extreme from four constituents.

1-     There is no choice before Israel except and preparation for it.

2-     The superiority of the Arabs in number, economy, and geography obliges Israel to develop its  abilities qualitatively to have temporary superiority during the stages of war and prepare for emergency. From here, rose the concept of “people under Arms” or (the Nation in the Military Uniform). Israel kept a permanent regular professional army, compulsory army, and reserve army. The importance of this is that the Israeli man is either a real soldier or a soldier by force and he always live the obsession of the security considerations continuously.

3-     Achieving one victory after another till the Arabs are convinced gradually that the choice of force will never achieve a political Arabic implementation.

4-     Israel worked to reach an alliance with one superpower at least and this was achieved with the United states completely after the war of 1967 It worked on having alliance with non-Arabic countries surrounding the Arabian countries and had contact, dialogue and cooperation with minorities in the area such as Iran the Shah, Turkey, Kurds and Ethiopia>

Chapter2: The Internal Considerations: Their Role in the Nation Building.

The internal considerations don’t mean the need of Israel for war, but the intended is the domination of the security ideology on the political and economical life as part of Nation Building the army doesn’t from danger on the Jewish Democracy, but part of it and one of the basic constituents of “tribe”. The Israeli security depends on every vital thing such as economical, agricultural, scientific, settling..etc. Zionism aimed a building a man opposite to the picture of the week Jew. Men to plough the land and carry arms to make a fighting people According to Ben Gorion’s concept, all the armed Zionist organizations were merged in the army which doesn’t confess any identity over that of the state.

 Section III: Chapter1 : Economy, Secularization and Politics.

     Israel has witnessed basic economical charge since its foundation. It rose on ascetic and agricultural settlement, distribution of shares and on public sector. Then changed to liberal economy depending on private sector on public sector. Then changed to liberal economy depending on private sector and industry. The dynamic force of direct economical advantage and concerned in the political reconciliation with the Arabs have increased.

 

     The contribution of the U.S.A in the Israeli economy was very important useful in the seventies where the security consumption reached 17% from the whole production. Without the American donations, it could reach 33.5 % which means downfall of economy or security. After seventies till now, the direct Americans existence in the area, the interlocking of the Israeli economy with that of the world, the technological development, the downfall of the Soviet Union, and the neutralization and weakening of great military forces led to decrease in security expenditure where it was an obstacle before evolution and led to pumping lots of money civil industries and change in the Israeli economy. There was a gradual decrease in the domination of the state on the economy. This led to the rising of general forces carrying ideologies and values different from those during the stage of the state foundation.

   As for the Israeli military industry, it a great economical reserve because it exports what is worth 2.2 milliard dollars and employs 35 thousands laborers. It seems losing in whole, and need continuous governmental assistance. Economy in this case left a deep social effects. Israeli became the second state after the U.S.A for the non-existence of equality and the widening of the gap in incomes and the increase in the number of poor families. Israeli changed from a state of luxury to a state of help. The uprising, the security situation and external factors after Sep.11,2001 were reflected negatively on the Israeli economy, where the world economy was afflicted by stagnation due to the American war against terrorism, which increased the pressure on the Israeli society and its internal contradiction.

Chapter 2: Some Argumentative Sides of Secularization in Israeli.

In Israeli secularism didn't have an effect in this basic formation of the relation between the state and the nation, but stabilized the nature of the Judaism of the state and the society and began to look for a Jewish identity which surpasses commitment with the riots of the Jewish religion. Israeli is discovered again universally as an axis for this Jewish and secularized identity. The previous stage of the history of Zionism was characterized by secularizing Judaism, but in the present stage it is characterized by taking up Zionism.

Capter IV: Chapter 1: The Victories and the Defeated in the Israeli Elections. Brief Historical Backgrounds of the Two Stages of Barak and Charoun.

Till the year 1977 when "allikoud" reached the power, Israeli was practically the state of one party, Labor Party, so the ruling party with its elite interlocked among the security, economical and political systems of the state, at the beginning, it was difficult to talk about a civil Israeli society. Thus, the faith in the socialistic thought imported from Europe with the Laborious immigrations was a means to establish a Jewish economical regulation. So, there was the general Laborers syndicate, the Histidrout and the Kibrits. The 1967 war came after radical expression in the formal policies of Israeli from mere demand to recognize it within the borders of 1949 to an alliance with the West colonial forces to fulfill basic achievements.

1. Striking the movement of the Arabic union in its form supported by a big Arab country and defeating it militarily.

2. Occupying Arabic, lands which reach triple of Israel area. This changed the forces of the security tendency that reached the occupation power from a "political negotiative document" to a political Strategic situation.

3. Deepening the connection of Israel with the American supports.

4. The flowing of the investment money in a way that the Israeli economy didn't witness before.

5. This war played the role of confirming the success of the bet on the Zionism before the Jews of the world, so Zionism spread among them and the Jewish capital participated in consolidating the status and size of the middle Jewish class.

   The interlocking between the Labor party and the state formed a meeting point between the Eastern Jews and the new middle class. So, two political and social blocs rose in Israel at the same time: Allikoud Bloc and Labor Party Bloc which brought the Likoud to power (1984-1977). This bloc changed the way in which the Labor Party death with Palestinian Settlement, and Later Aloan`s program fell off by giving regional disposes with Jordon in the West Bank in the sea of negotiations with Egypt after Camp David to have peace with it.

Instead of "Territorial Compromise" rule began the "Functional Comp".

This choice was consolidated after the defeat of P.L.O during the War of Lebanon in 1982 and the Likoud drowned in the Lebanese mud, untie of Jordan connection with West Bank, and the acceptance of the Palestinian National council to the rule of division, besides other changes.

    After 1977, the new Israeli political map divided them into two camps: Right and Left and within their orbit small and middle parties more ideological pulled by Right or Left. Sometimes Likoud and Labor parties found themselves obliged to have alliance with small parties to remain in power the Likoud allied with poor groups to become an accepted and popular party. While a big social mass was formed around the Labor Party and both parties believe in "The Israeli National unanimity".

     The political alliances bring a party to power and the opposite alliances can't take it out of power, and this what happened with the government of Chameer when the aspects of corruption emerged in the Likoud and before a universal changed situation especially with the downfall of the social block and the emerge of settling horizons. The Labor won under the leadership of Rabeen as it got a great number of seats in the synagogue. The stage of Rabeen was characterized by.

1-     Recognizing the P.L.O and ratifying peace with Jordon.

2-     Economical accelerating development and entrance of Israel in the age of "High Tech"

3-     The development of relation with Arabs in "Israel" so that Rabeen depended on their votes.

4-     The change of the Histidrout into a general syndicate with voluntary membership.

    The political stage of Rabeen reflected social change, but the society didn't change to non-Zionist, it became more Israeli and not of less Judaism. Nitinyaho tried to lead Likoud to more Rightism situations socially and politically but he didn’t succeed internally and externally when U.S.A and Europe couldn’t bear this direction. Anyhow the two parties behave the same when they are in power and only the change in the political circumstances and the political temper in the Israeli street can make one of the parties reach power.

Chapter 2: The Victory of the Middle and End of the Attraction Period.

   The victory of Barak in the electrons of 1999 wasn’t a victory to the Left nor to the forces of peace against forces of War. The new traditional Right kept the majority in the synagogue and the Israeli Society was divided between supporters and opposers to Oslo Agreements. Even Charoun accepted Oslo Agreements when reached power. Barak tried to assign a wide harmony government depending on a Jewish majority. This was a practical step to return the "tribe" product and refute to the split caused by the Killing of Rabeen at the hands of an extreme rightist, and moving gradually the complete stability of making decision inside one camp to the national agreement supported by the minimum common level, that is the not`s Barak declared in the speech of "Victory".

     Not for the withdrawal to the borders of 4th June, not for any participation in the sovereignty over Jerusalem, not for a foreign army-Arabian, Palestinian-to the West of the river, and as for the return of the refugees, it doesn’t need no because its refused is an unquestionable matter.

    With respect to the situation of the voters from the religious parties, the Israeli were divided between peaceful to religious parties and opposers to their power and domination among secularists: There was a feeling that Nitinyaho reached power an illegal way which caused the rise of the Middle Party to fall Nitinyaho down as a prime minister. Barak failed same as Nitinyaho when he wanted to impose a final solution on the Palestinians in Camp David. So Sharoun at the head of  National unity government with Biriz as minister of the exterior.

Chapter 3: Division of the Group Identity.

    The trial of the direct elections to the Prime Minister by people led to the division of the group identity of the Israeli voters for two considerations: The first is expressing a political situation and the second is expressing the group identity to which the individual Israeli belongs. The aim was weakening the small parties, but the result was the opposite. This way increased the strength of the authority of the Prime Minister, but complicated the formation of the government and exposed it to the extortion of the small parties. So, joining of the two great parties and determining the group and auto identity became complicated and threatening the gains that may be gotten to achieve political, social and economical aims. The wish to belong to one of the two parties is because the state is that of the Jews. When the Israeli negates the Arabian is assurance on his Jewish identity. The orthodox elite was able to change the identity product, folklore, belonging feelings, the group memory and historical recognition from rising and formation of the Zionist movement to a symbolic capital invested politically in the clash over the positions of domination and strength in the state. An example of this is "Shas" movement which seems moderate in the problem of peace. It is wrong to consider the political expression of social sectors known by originality and culture a proof about the possibility of Israel downfall when it reaches peace agreements with the Arabs. This is the speech of wish of some Arab groups who are in lack of a strategy to deal with Israel.

Chapter4 : The Form of Secularism and Religiousness in the Elections of the Last Decade.

     Since the rise of the two camp system in 1977, the religious parties have become stronger and able to impose, also the secular crowd became more sensitive towards religious imposing and the political speech of the religious Orthodox became more Zionistic. So new religious political-Rightist party rose to behave as a Jewish Clerical System of a new kind, practicing the strength of effect on the feature of life in the state and society. Barak perceived that so his direction was to attract the secular right to the Labor Party to Face Nitinyaho. There was a clash between the religious and the secular resorted to the Supreme Court. This clash took the form of a clash between judicial power and legislation power. The secular forces, the Left Zionism and the woman movements adopted the "Reformist" and the "Politically Correct" from U.S.A. this internal clash led to Zionizing religious parties and Judaization of Zionist forces in the aim that each keeps its identity and strength inside Israel.

   Chapter 5: The Right and the Left after the Election of Barak

   The Left lost its social, laborite and popular base and began to depend on new middle classes expanding continuously. And the new Right changed into addressing new wide popular group which have living advantage in the interference of the state in economy. Then the measures were adjusted so that the readiness for a regional settlement became a middle situation. And negotiations with P.L.O a situation whish doesn’t distinguish the Right from the Left after Oslo. After that Ntinyaho in a delivered speech before the students of a religions school in 1999/05/17. a week after his loss declared frankly and directly that it is impossible to separate between the religion and the state in Israel, and impossible to separate between the religion and the Jewish nationality. After the election of Barak, he was supposed to look for the Left values of the Right, but he didn’t. As for the Arabian minority through its position in the Zionist entity, it can`t play the role of the Left in facing the Israeli Right. They defend partial advantages and they are politically margined.

SectionV: Chapter1 : Barak

   Barak raised in the military institution which is respected politically. His culture was middle. He is not a genius, or superman and not a man of peace. He occupied several positions and led qualitative operations and among them two assassination operations in Tunisia and Lebanon and advanced to become Chief of staff. He was brave and expressed his political satisfaction against the security gaps in Oslo agreement. As a prime minister, he surrounded himself by previous militants and estranged politicians by frightening many of them. This made the leadership of the Labor Party to revolt against him. The Israeli and Western information honored him which reinforced his status internally and universally. He was expected to carry out his commitments and withdraw from Lebanon in one year and finish negotiations with Syria in October 2000, but because of his not(s) negotiations of the final solution because academic. He retreated from his promises to withdraw to the borders of 4th June due to the insistence of the Syrians on that. He cheated the Americans and the Syrians and his party got angry with him after leading it to the adventure of Camp David which caused the break of the uprising, then to his downfall.

Chapter 2:The Downfall of Barak.

   Barak lost because he began his period in fighting his party. He lost when Mirits movement made its battle with Chas movement and not with the Right. He lost when he tried to impose relinquishments on the secularists for the advantage of religious parties. He lost his great loss when he tried to impose his conception for permanent peace on the Palestinians and when they refused this concept he declared that there is no Palestinian partner for negotiation. The sense of his downfall is summarized by the gradual continuous change towards the Right in the Israeli society to become nervous reactions against the uprising, so the "peace manner" collapsed and fell off with his party. He was elected to bring peace but he was taking the area toward the edge of war.

Chapter3: Sharon

   Most people who are fanatic to Charoun say that he is a war criminal who committed crimes against humanity. His history is full of killing, destruction and terrorism. He believes in security deterrence so as not to appear as a coward. The state, authority and army colluded to hide his crimes. Even Kahan`s committee (Official Investigation Committee) after the massacres of Sabra and Chateela recommended him to be the security minister in the future, then he became the Prime Minister of Israel after 20 years exactly.

   Chapter4: The Picture of the Politician

   As a politician Charoun is an opportunist adventurer same as he was a military opportunist. He doesn’t abide by instructions and laws. He carries out missions required directly as a "Caterpillar". His mentality is that of pure settlement and he is ready to get rid of any obstacle like the Arabs. He believes in "Painful Relinquishments" that is to return small parts of land to its owners after plundering it by force of arms. He always believes in using strength. He understood that it is impossible to dismiss the Palestinians or joining them to Israel and the result was a regional middle solution with the Palestinians. He is elastic when he takes part in decision making and strong refuser when he doesn’t. He believes that Jordan is Palestine. He didn’t like to have two Palestinian states. Peace, in his opinion, is possible if the Arabs recognize the historical rights of the Jews to establish their state in these countries, on the land of Palestine, so the state of non war is preferred to him because it gives the Palestinians s chained state limited and demilitarized in which Israel keeps its borders for long years as long as that doesn’t afflict its security, this means that Palestinians handle the internal security affairs, to have features of sovereignty and political relation with the eastern side of Jordon.

   The End

   The return of Charoun to rule is confirmation to the activity of security in the Israeli political life the colonial nature of "Israel" which practiced the policy of segregation with the assurance of the Judaism of the state without need to alliance with religious parties. Charoun represents adaptation of the fanatic elite to the Judaism of the state with the new circumstances to abort the new broach carried by the civil society and middle class in the way for a settlement with the Arabs.

   With a complete support from U.S.A, the Road Map with its Israeli fourteen conditions excluded the Arabic initiative from the diplomatic deliberation and Charoun`s plan excluded the Road Map from deliberation. The assassinations and the Isolating Wall formed a kind of pressure in imposing the conditions of separations on the Palestinians in Charoun`s stage. That is by force and assassinations new leaderships rise and accept Charoun`s sight and conditions, so the Arabian and Palestinian favoring is not useful to Arabs, but legislates "Israel" and its discrimination, which is not an emergent state, but a structural matter. 

 

 

 

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