Studies

Zionist ‘Transfer’ Policy against Palestinian People: Concept and Plans

 By: Abdullah El Hassan

A Palestinian Author and Researcher   (30-07-2003)

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1-  Meaning and kinds.

 2-  Transfer from a Zionist Perspective.

 3-  Return Law.

 4-  Transfer Plans until 1948.

 5-  Transfer Plans (1937 – 1948).

 6-  Plans of 1937.

 7-  Plans of 1938-1948

 8-  Transfer in 1948.

 9-  Transfer from 1948 – 1993 (Oslo Accords)

10- 1976 – 1993 (Oslo Accords).

11- Transfer Plans: From Oslo Accords to Al Aqsa intifada.

12- Transfer Logistics.

13- Other Perspectives about Transfer.

    

 

 

 

1- Meaning and kinds :

 

‘Transfer’ is an English word that means ‘to move’ or ‘to transport’ and it is used to indicate the expulsion of inhabitants from their place of domicile and relocating them somewhere else. However, it is not just a term. It expresses a substantial and structural concept in the modern western civilization that goes beyond politics since it changes the aspects of this civilization, either prospectively or practically. This civilization perceives the world as a consuming material that has no sanctity and that could be utilized and employed since there is no cost for anything. Nature exists just to be defeated and patronized by man and he, himself, must submit to materialism. Therefore, he is also a mobile, materialistic creature who is not different from other species. He can be transferred, employed and patronized as he is a useful utilizing tool. Transfer, as a consequence, is not just a political action or ideological desire. It is a manifestation of a motion pattern that cuts deep in a human being. It also redefines man in a way that demolishes him.

 

By definition, ‘transfer’ is the domination of referential materialism (in the era of solid bilateralism) then the disappearance of the reference and the center, any reference and any center so that there is no more margins or centers, top or bottom, internal or external, and there is no difference between man and animal. Moreover, there shall be no more necessary relationship between the denotation and significance. In the same sense, we point out that the cohorts of the post-modernization talk about the ‘countries’ dancing’. This is an accurate description for the world after the modernity where no human being can occupy a unique place, where things are equal and all phenomena are relative, where the genuine and the duplicate are one thing, and where anything can substitute anything else and a word can replace another. In short, the idea of transfer is evolving in the new western modern conscience so that the westerner can’t see the human nature itself but in the frame of transfer. The value of the ‘transfer mentality’ may manifest in Dr. Max Lonard’s definition of the modern man when he says that the latter is that human being who is capable of his set and system of values after a short notice, that is, the human being is a mobile creature who can promptly transfer from one set of values into another, and who doesn’t practice a profound fidelity for anything and who doesn’t feels the telling off of his conscience when he changes his identity, personality and orientations.

 

 

Kinds of Transfer:

 

The concept of transfer includes many forms that play integrated roles among each other as for enhancement and prologue. The following are among these most important forms:

 

           I.      Conscience and Intellectual Transfer:

 

This kind has expressed itself in the movement of the European discoveries ‘transferring from one place into another’ where the place was just a space that is used and employed. One way or another, this has been connected to the military evolution of Europe and it was also contemporary with the so called ‘Abstractionism Revolution’. This rebellion has made man capable of coping with things from an abstract perspective. He, as a result, became interested in the trading value of things and not their designated value. One of the most important aspects of this abstractionism revolution is the emerging of spare parts which are inevitably to be completely identical with the genuine ones in order to transfer the spare parts (install them) instead of the defected ones at any time or place. The achievements of the religious reforming era are among the intellectual transfer. Protestant religious reformers transferred the religious concepts from the figurative level to which assumes the presence of a distance between the denotation and significance (denotation is a specified word whereas significance includes active and passive, limited and unlimited and sacred and squalor) into the materialistic level. Accordingly, Zion was changed into a geographical plot named ‘Palestine’ and the religious aspiration to it as ‘Zion’ was changed into a movement to occupying it. Also, the divine ‘Jerusalem’ – the City of God – has changed into the earthly ‘Al Quds’, the capital of Palestine, which must be conquered.

 

This verbal transfer acted as the actual transfer (Zionist Movement – Protestant Extremist Fundamentalism). This form of transfer reaches its peak and is entirely dedicated when the concept of the human nature vanishes in the western human sciences, and being interested in human fixed points or references becomes archaic and outdated. Humanity, thus, is a set of variable material relationships that can be only practically defined. In the same manner, intellectual, or knowledge, transfer reaches its peak, when practiced, when the society is patterned. As soon as the material life (external) is patterned, patterning the spiritual one (internal) sets off.

 

It’s highly manifested in the so called ‘pleasure industry’ that patterns the human dreams, desires, aspirations, and lust through movies, ads, pornographic and non-pornographic magazines. As the human’s internal and external lives are planned, we shall have reached the complete transfer of man so that he becomes like a Coca Cola can or the spare part. Consequently, he could be then transferred from one place to another or disposed of without any sense of misery or tragedy. This is the technological utopia, the earthly heaven or the end of days and history.

 

       II.       Aesthetic Transfer:

 

It is expressed through aesthetic system. Every year, new costume designs that have nothing to do with the previous ones emerge. Man has to follow and change the way he dresses in. Every week, a new song is released. The westerner (and now the easterner) listens to this song then forgets it. A new car model is introduced every year and man has also to change his car (in some industrial societies, man changes his car every three years). The spread of plastic surgery might be another aspect of the same phenomenon. Man changes his face and opts another one (that is previously designed with computers). He modifies this face with a specialist then installs the latest version. Plastic surgery has many solutions such as contact lenses, colored lenses, artificial breasts, etc… to express itself. Besides, blind belief in experiment in arts is one kind of transfer. The artist is not easily convinced with in one stable artistic form, but has to be after a new form. Hence, the fundamental civilized form has become the ‘transfer’. Vacant and garbage civilization as well as planned erosion in their essence are the civilization of transfer. Actually, man does the same in order to increase his mobility so that his proficient ability to transfer from one place into another increases. This kind of transfer also comprises the ability to see one’s self. The westerner, with in the frame of the material referential, is able to see himself since he is a consumable substance that has no sanctity and which could be employed with out any objection from his part. Transfer is also applied to one’s self when the elderly in western society move and accept to be transferred to rest homes and cities that form ghettos of their own when they reach the legal age and use up their hypothetical productive age. According to Dr. Al Massiri, transfer is applied to elderly is somehow issued by the same transfer theories which legitimized the Nazis demolition of the Jews, gypsies, Slavs and others. Nazism considered people within the frame of its reference and in the extent of their usefulness. The state of these people was settled through demolition camps.

 

   III.      Economical Transfer:

 

This kind of transfer is expressed through exporting economical crisis and dilemmas to Europe when the surplus goods, dead stock and bad merchandise are exported (as Jewish murderers were exported to Palestine) to the east. This pattern went on in many forms. The most important form at the being time may be the multi-nationalities corporations that build up industries that cause high rate of pollution in the third world countries. West is burring the industrial exhausts in the third world, thus transferring them there. In addition to that consuming patterns and capitals are also transferred. As globalization moves on, entire manufacturing industries are transferred and the recommendations of the International Bank are imposed, etc… changing the whole issue into mere commerce and trading, according to Shimon Perez when he delivered a speech in a clique of Egyptian intellectuals in 1999. As a result, democracy becomes trading, home countries shall be boutiques and hotels, and man shall be an economical unit that can be transferred. And as one of the Egyptian intellectuals said, “All countries would like to be Singapore. Who is Singapore? It is not famous for its identity, values or civilized contributions. It is well-known as the hyper supermarket and for its amazing ability to purchasing and selling.”

 

     IV.       Real Actual Transfer:

 

It is characterized in the colonial solution of Europe, that is, export these problems, including social crisis, from Europe into the orient. The first similar operations were the transfers of the puritans, political and religious insurgents, as well as criminals and social failures into America and Australia. These operations were followed by other transfer process such as transferring the inhabitants of Africa into North and South America in order to change the same into a cheap consumable material. Also, transferring the Red Indians into habitats other than their own or to the other world is among the evident examples (both transfer processes are entirely joined since transferring them to the other world usually transacted when they transferred form one place into another). Transferring the European armies into all different parts of the globe for the purpose of dominating the world and transforming it into a human and natural substance that is employed for the benefit of the west is among these forms of this same transfer. Furthermore, moving the human excess from Europe into European colonies all over the world to form bases for the westerner armies and cultures (leading later to the most immense immigration in history) is one of these forms too. This form includes the transportation of many ethnic minorities into other countries (Chinese to Malaysia, Indians into many places, and Jews into Argentina) so that the colonial occupation is complete. These minorities produce colonial pockets within the countries they settle in. Another form is the transfer of the fighting combatants from Asia and Africa and transforming them into mercenaries in the western colonial armies, such as Indians, especially the Sikh, in the British armies. It is well-known that about 132.000 persons were deported from the western Arab world during World War I in order to fill the gap of recruiting French. Some of these deportees were directly and immediately recruited for combats (that was the first immigration of the population of the western part of the Arab world). The same process continued for many other factors and reasons later.

 

In this scope, Zionist occupation of Palestine took place. Substantially, it was an export of one of Europe’s social problems and the Jewish issue to the orient. Europe’s Jews were only a useless, human surplus within Europe that can be employed for serving their interests in Palestine. On the other hand, Arabs, as a population mass, stood against these interests. Palestine was also a substance. It was not a homeland but an integral and inseparable part of natural substance called ‘land’. Therefore, Arabs were expelled from Palestine and Jews were transferred into it. Everything was reformulated in order to match the western interests.

 

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2- Transfer form a Zionist Perspective:

Zionism naissance from the uterus of the western civilized reformation as well as the necessities that it is achieved as a political project lead to lethal and aggressive role and function that contain the Jewish human excess and protect the western interests in the Arab region. Transfer concept has always been consistent and associated with the existence of Zionism as a political movement, a colonial replacement project and a functional role. It has also been the fundamental, strategic and untouchable principle due to its divinity and position as a source of uniqueness of Zionism. Occupation and colonialism form a structural concurrent that is hard, if not impossible, to be disjointed where occupation depends on vanishing the Palestinian land through conquering and Judaizing the same and on the second hand eliminating the Palestinian population through expelling by transfer. Therefore, if the entire Palestinian homeland were occupied while its native inhabitants, Arab Palestinians, were still over it, it would be impossible for a Zionist entity to exist. Instead, a state that represents its population, regardless of their ethnicity or religion, would have existed. The same state would have acquired its identity from the ethnicity of the majority of the population. However, such a state doesn’t satisfy or realize the Zionist dream that has endeavored since the early beginnings to establish the entity/ghetto, thus leading the movement to adopt the policy of transfer of Arabs, in particularly that the number of Jews in Palestine before the war of 1948 didn’t exceed 649.633 Jews. Should we consider this number in terms of families of five members each, we would have 129.927 families against Jewish purchased and confiscated property that can only contain 35.521 families. In other words, there are 97.406 families that surplus the containing abilities which is supposed to be in the Jewish ‘properties’. Thus, it was inevitable to execute the transfer policy and expel and exodus Arabs from and out of their lands and homes. The slogan ‘A land with no people for a people with no land’ is derived from the same. And since such a land is only found over the moon, as Hanna Arant, a Jewish philosopher, says, the western colonialism had to conquer a plot of land and then exodus the same from its population by using violence, and so on. This is why we find that Zionists, all Zionists, regardless of their political or ideological orientations and immoral values they believe in, have participated and shared in paving the way for transfer and construing it into a real fact setting off from Israel Zanfwil’s theory, “If we want to give a land to people who doesn’t possess one, it is extremely foolish to allow any other people to exist on the same land.” So, the implied idea within deporting and uprooting the native Arab population out of Palestine goes with the ideology that is exclusively based on one ethnicity and aims at reformulating ethnic-religious and demographic facts in Palestine and making it a Jewish state that has only one religion. Undoubtedly, these pieces of information and experience has affirmed the basic comprehensive Zionist formula is a transfer process of a set of religious terms and concepts from its religious and metaphoric level into a literal, material level that ends up with a formula that inevitably suggests two population transfers:

 

-         Transferring the Jews from exile into Palestine

-         Transferring the Palestinians from Palestine into exile

 

There is an equation that summarizes that formula which has been repeated again and again by the Zionists. This equation says: “Palestine is for Jews and Palestine’s Arab residents are distributed on the Arab countries.” Later, Zionism amended the same equation taking the time agent into consideration.  This devious amendment was only linguistic and it maintained meaning and essence. The equation became: “Palestine remains for Jews and Palestine’s Arab residents settle in the Arab countries they have sought asylum in.” The best expression of this equation might be the discussion that took place between the Zionist leader Chaim Weizmann and Ivan Meiski, the Soviet ambassador to England, on January 20, 1940 in London, about the possible solutions in Palestine after the end of World War II. The latter proposed the necessity of conducting a population exchange, but Weizmann replied, “If we can expel and transfer one million Palestinians from Palestine, we could settle one million Jews in their place. This would be a first step only.”

 

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3- “Return Law”

 

Jewish immigration, or the deportation of the Jews into Palestine, has been given a different name in the Zionist glossary other than the ‘transfer’. It was called ‘the return’ which is a nonbiased term since it serves the biblical allegations about Palestine as the original and historical homeland of the Jews. Consequently, Jews immigration to Palestine is nothing but a ‘return’. According to same, the Zionist entity issued a law in 1950 called ‘The Return Law’ which granted any Jew in the world to immigrate to Palestine and the right to citizenship as soon as he gets there. David Ben-Gurion indicated the nature of this law when it was submitted to the Knesset by saying, “This law doesn’t grant the Jew the right to immigrate to it since this right is natural for every Jew. It aims at determining the nature of the Zionist entity and its unique purpose. This state is different from any other state in the world as for the elements of establishing and purposes, and its authority is restricted within its residents, but its doors are open to every Jew wherever he is.” Ben-Gurion confirmed that the ‘return law is the legal expression of the Zionist vision’. It is worth mentioning that the same law has been repeatedly amended. The first time was in August 1954 when the law set forth that ‘any Jew, who has immigrated to Palestine (before the law is put into effect) and every Jew who was born in Palestine (before or after the law is put into effect), is a person who came to Palestine as a ‘returning expatriate (immigrant)’.

 

Although the said law is an immigration law, and not a naturalization one, it was a perfectly integrated law because in its essence it relied on the naturalization law. The second amendment took place in March 1970 in the aftermath of a repeated ministry crisis about defining the ‘Jew’. The amendment contained a clause that stipulated: ‘A Jew is the person who is born to a Jewish mother or the converted to the Jewish religion and has no other religion.’ The same law also set forth that the ‘Israeli’ nationality is to be granted automatically to all the members of an immigrant, non-Jewish family. Another amendment was introduced to the law of return when terms such as being domiciled in Israel or being fluent in Hebrew, or even waiving other nationalities were not required to benefit from the same law. It was sufficient to express the intention of settling in ‘Israel’ in order to benefit from the same law. As the ‘return law’ was issued, Judaism has become a legal capacity that grants its holders a right denied to non-Jewish.

 

As a conclusion of the aforementioned, transfer, as a concept and practice, was used in the Jewish speech on Arabs only. Undoubtedly, the same meaning was also used in the Arabs’ political speech.

 

The Zionist activity in practicing transfer was basically focused on two kinds: Intellectual Transfer and Actual Transfer. Below, we shall shed some light on the manifestations of the two kinds in the Zionist intellect and practice.

 

Intellectual (Knowledge) Transfer:

 

It is based on expelling the Palestinian history from the human memory and replacing it with biblical myths and legends. Also, this kind of transfer relies on erasing the new archeological traces and information that highlights the Palestinian history for the sake of one reference which is the biblical tales and scripts. Keith Watilam, Professor of Religious Studies at Eastrling University, describes this process as the “Making up of Ancient ‘Israel’ and Muting the Palestinian History”. The same expression was used by the said professor as a title for his book in which he revealed the involvement of biblical studies in divesting Palestinians of their history, after their land had been stolen too. These studies are in a constant search for the ‘Ancient Israel’ and repeat a number of allegations that connect past with present. By doing so, they are linking the sense in the past with the present social and political identity. Also, Bible’s speech has always demanded this past for the benefit of ‘Israel’. On the other hand, the substantial idea these biblical studies are built on is to consider ‘Ancient Israel’ as an indisputable historic fact then to affirm the existence of a direct historic and strategic fact between the ‘Ancient Kingdom of Israel’ at the beginning of the Iron Age and between the ‘Modern State of Israel’. Confirming this historic and strategic fact is not enough. Biblical studies also confirm the parallelism between the two histories where the events of the ancient history are employed in serving the political, contemporary Zionist avarices. In return, any similar concept to the continuity of the Palestinian history between past and present is being wiped out, and even denied. In best cases, the existence of the Palestinian people over the land of Palestine is considered accidental and not genuine. As a result, Palestine, for Jews, is not a mere plot of land but a part of soil there ancestors and forefathers lived on more than two thousand years ago. So, archeology has had extremely dangerous political results.

 

Against this transfer of Palestinian history, Keith Watilam calls on the Palestinians to retrieve not only their modern history but also the ancient one from the hand of the biblical studies and underlines the necessity of doing the same or they would never be able to make their voices heard and reclaim their right in history. Zionism, as previously explained, expels history and archeology and replaces them with legends and biblical ideologies, thus making the bible the key source and the mainstream of history which deserves the title of the ‘record of history’.

 

When it comes to intellectual (knowledge) transfer, Myron Benifinsty, a Zionist researcher, agrees with Keith Watilam. In his book ‘The Holy Place’, Benifinsty explains how the Palestinian holy place was destroyed and an ‘Israeli’ place was erected on the rubbles of the former and how a ‘whopping, immensely-pierced holy dress’ that doesn’t cover the first sin which made their ‘Israeli’ place is sought for the same. There’s a school that works on realizing such expulsion of the Palestinian history and confronting the discoveries that support it. This school is the biblical school (or the biblical researchers). This trend first appeared among historians at the end of the nineteenth century along with the emerging of Zionism and the search for a Jewish national homeland. It springs from the idea that says that ‘contemporary Israel’ is nothing but a reconstruction process of ‘ancient Israel’. Unquestionably, this rhetorical management has played a perilous role in wiping the Palestinian history out. Under the British mandate, political momentum was available for the said trend. The British mandate instrument contained a sign to the ‘historical link’ between the Jewish Diaspora in the world and Palestine, the land of their forefathers, as they called, on the basis of Chaim Weizmann persistency who believed that focusing on the historical side is a key condition of success for the Zionist project and to secure the return of the Jews to the ‘land of their ancestors’. Weizmann always said, “We are not coming. We are returning.”

 

The influence of the biblical interpretation on the western mind reached level that the entry of ‘Palestinian’ in Oxford Dictionary was synonymous with ‘barbarism’ and ‘stringency’. The Palestinian, as described, was anti-cultural person with material trends with limited horizon and doesn’t posses higher education. The denial of the setting of the Palestinian history through eliminating the time and geography of the same is among the transfer policies. It seems that this was the purpose of establishing the fund of discovering Palestine in 1865 after 25 years of instating the first British consulate in Jerusalem and the beginning of the European permeation in Palestine and most of the Ottoman Empire territories. The charter of this fund plainly illustrates that Palestine wasn’t important in itself, but its importance lies in other reasons pertinent to the bible; that is, the value of Palestine is so important because it is the country of the bible. The charter of the fund read as follows regarding Palestine: “Accurate and systematic search for demographic, geological, natural geography and the customs and traditions of the people of the holy land aims at grasping bible.” Hence, Palestine becomes ‘the holy land’ and ‘…’ and the Palestinian setting doesn’t exist any more. Besides, the history of the entire region becomes the history of ‘Ancient Israel’ as portrayed by the formulas of the biblical heritage. The outcomes of the fund’s researches were 26 detailed maps at a scale of 1/6000 and the 46 classifications of sites such as city, village, deserted place, well, hill, spring, castle, river, etc. The fund also released 10 volumes along with the maps that included geological and ecological studies on plants, animals, birds, water, archeology and topography surveys and studies and some notes on the historical meanings of Palestine’s villages and towns. It should be noted that these volumes and maps were republished in 1998 in the centenary of releasing the first print. This comes from the Zionist delusion and fallacy as they believe that drawing maps and conducting field scanning and surveys as well as giving biblical names to the lands and obliterating Arabic ones give them the right to control and dominate the land. Therefore, the Arabic names of Palestinian villages and towns were replaced with Hebrew ones. Nonetheless, these intensive trials didn’t completely succeed since its rate didn’t exceed 30%. This is due to the stiffness and inflexibility of the Hebrew language which failed to replace the Arabic language in designating the names of Palestinian towns, villages and sites. Thus, names remained as they used to be and were only pronounced in Hebrew. An important note should be highlighted here: when the land, in itself, loses its value, the value of the human beings living over it is also bereaved. To support this, we hereby quote Chaim Weizmann’s story to Arthur Rubin, Director of the Department of Settlements at the Jewish Agency, about the method he used to get Balfour’s Declaration and the latter’s opinion in the Arab Palestinians, “British told us that there are only a few thousands of useless Negroes of no value.” Not only does the concept of the empty land, according to the European centralization terms, necessarily mean that this land is vacant from people, but also of civilization. This concept justifies the Zionist colonization and indifference about the native inhabitants and about expelling them later.

 

Actual and Practical Transfer:

 

It means to uproot and displace the Arab Palestinians from their homeland which is the highest priority of the Zionist agenda and the Zionist propaganda as well as planning and practice. These plans and practices, being integrated and interweaved, shall further overcome, in density and impetus, the ‘transfers’ which took place between 1882 and 1948 exodus. In the future, this transfer shall become a potential priority that explicitly expresses itself and emerges whenever the appropriate circumstances are available. Transfer can be traced as early as the Zionist propaganda and even earlier – before its political formula was set up in Basle Convention in Switzerland in 1898. In the following, we cite the Zionist author Musti Simalinski’s imagined meeting held among the social Zionist pioneers in 1891 and during which some questions were raised about the Arabs:

 

- The land in … and Galilee is occupied by Arabs.

 

- Alright. We shall then take it back from them.

 

- How? (Silence prevails)

 

- A rebel doesn’t ask silly questions.

 

- Well, you rebel. Tell us how?

 

The answer to the last question came in evident and unambiguous expressions: “It is so simple. We shall perturb them with frequent raids and attacks until they leave … Let them go beyond the river.” When another voice, filled with anxiety tried to know whether that scenario would be the end or not, the answer, once again, came so decisive and specific: “As long as we shall have a bulky settlement here, we shall take over the land and become strong enough. Then, we shall become more interested in the East Bank and chuck them out of there too. Let them go back to the Arab states.”

 

On the other hand, Theodore Hertzel had come across the transfer issue before this Zionism was posed in Basle Convention in 1898 and even before he finished writing his book ‘The Jewish State’. In the entry dated 12.06.1895 of his diary, he personally said, “When the land is occupied, we shall bring immediate benefits to the state that shall receive us. We have to smoothly conquer the lands we are planning to control. We shall endeavor to depose the underprivileged populace across the borders through creating and providing employment for them in the countries that shall receive them. We, however, shall preclude them from practicing any job in our state. The owners of the land shall come after us and we shall have to conquest the properties and deport the poor simultaneously, but discretely and vigilantly.”

 

Yet, even if Hertzel called for extraditing a specific class of native population, which is the underprivileged, the Zionist speech wasn’t built on the same incidence and content. He later encircled a greater number of potential deportees from Palestine to include all Arabs since he only understood transfer as the act of casting out all of them. The same is manifested in a speech for Israel Zangwell delivered before a crowd of Zionist in Manchester, England on April 1905: “We must prepare ourselves to expel the Arab tribes by using force as our forefathers did, otherwise we shall suffer the existence of many foreigner residents who are mostly Muslims.” In another occasion, Israel Zangwell further illustrates that expelling Arabs is due to the necessity of realizing the Zionist project first, and second, to the absence of a reason that makes the Arabs cling to this land since, as he says, “they are only Bedouins who move from place to place; they silently dismantle their tents and move into another place.” Later after, Zionist pioneers immensely expressed the possible transfer, each from his perspective. For instance, on May 11, 1911, Arthur Rubin, Director of the Department of Settlements at the Jewish Agency, suggested a specific transfer of Arab peasants into Aleppo and Homos in Northern Syria after they are being disposed of their properties. Nineteen years later, he construed his suggestion “Land is the vital condition for our occupation of Palestine. Yet, there were no agricultural lands. All plots were cultivated already. When we bought a piece of land, we inevitable had to cast out its farmers.” Zionist leaders realized that the expulsion of Arabs was impossible without an international cover. The discussion between Israel Zangwell and Vladimir Japotshski that took place in Boston, England in 1916 exemplifies the issue:

 

Zangwell:           Expulsion of Arabs from Palestine in order to allow the settling of the European populace must precede realizing Zionism.

 

Japotshski:         Arabs shall not leave their native land voluntarily.

 

Zangwell:           The Zionist project must be a part of a new international order, where there is no place for sentimental alibis.

 

Zangwell’s words are only the echoes of his friend Aaron Aaronsiv’s thoughts, the agricultural engineer who worked for the British intelligence service during World War I and who was a member in the Zionist expedition headed by Chaim Weizmann that visited Palestine in 1918. He clearly and cheekily wrote in the British Intelligence newsletter about the obligation of ‘deni-deportation’ of Arab peasants from plots that were to be bought for Zionist colonial purposes from the absent Arab owners. While reviewing the presence of transfer in the Zionist propaganda, some declarations of political Zionism pioneers that confirm the objection to expelling Arab Palestinians to east Jordan or Syria, and their persistence on Iraq draws attention. This indicates the early awareness and vigilance of the Zionist figures to the reality that not only Palestine, but also all of the Cham states are the vital extent of the Zionist project and that Iraq was the final stage of the Palestinian cause. Baron Edmund James Rothschild, one of the bases of Zionist colonization and the great financer of the early settlements, instructed Shibtai Livni, who was a land broker for the ‘Palestinian Association for Zionist Colonization’ which was founded by Rothschild himself, to continue his activities of purchasing lands with a little note “It is better not to deport Arabs to Syria and east Jordan because they are parts of the Land of Israel,” according to Livni’s dairy. The solution was to “Expel them to Mesopotamia (Iraq),” always according to Livni’s diary. The baron added, “In such conditions, I shall be ready to send new agricultural machines and consultants to the Arabs on his own expense.” Ben-Gurion reclaimed the same perspective on 31.08.1934 in a meeting with Moussa Al Alami at the latter’s village near Jerusalem. Ben-Gurion proposed that East Jordan be reformed into a one Jewish state that is linked to a union of Arab states. This arrangement ‘was to provide endless Jewish immigration and colonization in East Jordan’ as he said. In Al Alami’s version of the discussions in that meeting, he said, “Bin-Gurion suggested that if the Arabs left Palestine and East Jordan for the Jews, Arabs would count on the Jewish aid, not only in relocating and resettling Palestinian deportees and Diaspora, but also in other Arab issues in other countries.” On the other hand, Lehy and Stern gangs’ ideologies overtly called for deporting Arab Palestinians as well as the population of East Jordan, Syria and Lebanon, who possess parts of the ‘Land of Israel’.

 

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4- Transfer Plans until 1948:

 

Simultaneously with promoting transfer and clarifying its necessity for the Zionist project, Zionism bent over backwards to bring transfer into reality. Zionist also achieved what it had been dreaming of when it expelled a million Palestinian in 1948 and scattered them in the remains of Palestine and other neighboring Arab states. The one million Palestinians came from 530 villages, out of which 418 were demolished.

 

To elucidate what happened, it is obligatory that we scrutinize some of the Zionist transfer plans. The starting point shall be Arthur Rubin’s suggestion of 11.05.1911 in his memo addressed to the Zionist Executive Committee. He recommended a limited expulsion of peasants who were to be dispossessed of their lands from Palestine into northern Syria in Aleppo and Homos. Three years later, precisely on 12.05.1914, he repeated his proposition in his letter to Victor Jeeks. In the aftermath of Al-Birak Revolution in 1929 and the consequences introduced in Shaw Committee’s Investigation Report, Chaim Weizmann submitted a plan that aimed at transferring Arabs from Palestine during his talks with British officials. Weizmann accounts what had happened in a meeting with Edmund Shelzium, the British Minister of Colonies, on 04.03.1920, “A radical solution must be found and (Shelzium) doesn’t find any problem in making Palestine the homeland of the Jewish people and in revealing these intentions explicitly to the Arabs. He (Shelzium) points out that East Jordan and Mesopotamia encircle vast plots where work could be done freely.” Weizmann seems to have gone far and put himself out to market his proposition before the British government. On 06.03.1920, he met Lord Passfield. Once again, Weizmann reveals very interesting points that took place in the meeting, “I said to the Lord the whole crisis had begun because East Jordan was separated from Palestine in the dim of the night, in my opinion. All of a sudden, more than half of the area of the land was taken away and the Jews were prevented from colonizing the same. Now, while we are in the middle of dilemmas in Palestine, it is certain that if we weren’t permitted to cross the Jordan River, Arabs would do the same. The same issue applies in Iraq.” Wezemann continues his account, “Lord Passfield told me that we may face problems with Iraq because it has an independent government and it is so difficult to cope with its people.” “I replied that it wasn’t easy, but this country must be developed and it can’t follow the capital pattern due to its political situations, but it could be colonized by Moslems, or perhaps by the Jews. We, along with the government would negotiate with the Arabs. Let’s assume that we have established a development company there that acquires about one million km2 of land in East Jordan, this would create a reserve to settling Arabs and ease the pressure on Palestine, if there is any,” Weizmann carried on. He then moved into realizing this proposition and on 23.06.1930 asked Felix Green, the concerned officer at the Jewish Agency, to immediately send him details about the lands that could be bought in East Jordan for the purposes of settling Palestinians that were going to be shuffled. Weizmann, together with Rottenberg – Founder of Palestine Electricity Company – proposed a suggestion to the British Ministry of Colonies that aimed at raising a one-million-Palestinian-pound loan from Jewish financers to relocate Palestinian peasants’ communities in East Jordan while permission is being obtained for Zionist settling in East Jordan. However, Weizmann’s suggestion was denied due to the refusal of the British government. As Weizmann’s reveals in his diary ‘Trial and Error’, he had agreed with the British to hand over Palestine empty of its Arab residents in 1934. This didn’t happen because of the Arab’s fierce resistance to the process of expelling them from their homes.

 

After the break out of the Great Strike and the Revolution of 1936, and during the meetings of the executive committee of the Jewish Agency on the 19th & 20th of May, 1936, Menachim Osiketchev put forward a proposition that set forth the obligation of deporting the Palestinians to Iraq. “I would like to see the Arabs going to Iraq in no time. Agricultural conditions in Iraq are better than those in Israel if we take the quality of soil into consideration, and they will be in an Arab state and not a Jewish one,” he demonstrated.

 

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5- Transfer Plans (1937 – 1948):

 

This period witnessed a momentum and intensity in bringing up the issue of transfer that had never been witnessed before, and have never been after, in the history of the Zionist project. It seemed like things were racing time in order to secure the best investment of international circumstances arising from World War II for the purpose of building the Zionist state. According to the statistics of Dr. Abdul Wahab El Massiri, there were six transfer plans at the time as follows:

 

  1. Soskef’s Plan (1937)

 

  1. Vatis’s Plan (December 1937)

 

  1. Rubin’s  Plan (June 1937)

 

  1. Al Jazeera’s  Plan (1938 - 1942)

 

  1. Ben-Gurion’s Plan (1943 - 1948)

 

  1. Youssef Shekinman’s Plan (1948)

 

During this period also, three deportation committees were established. The mission of these committees was to discuss the promotion of expulsion plans. Two of these committees were founded by the Jewish Agency (1937 - 1943) whereas the third was formed by the ‘Israeli’ government in 1948.

 

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6- Plans of 1937:

 

1937 was the most distinguished among others. During that year, the Royal British Bill Committee’s Report was issued. The said report called for portioning Palestine into a Jewish state and an Arab one. The report also went further. It contained a recommendation for settling down the Jewish-Arab conflict which demanded the expulsion of Arabs from the Jewish state. The same provided the transfer plans with international legitimacy required.

 

Ben-Gurion embraced this recommendation and appreciated it in Volume IV of his diaries, “After my initial reading of the report on 10.07.1937, I overlooked a central point whose importance outdoes all other positive points and surpasses all the defects of the report. If the words don’t remain dry and dead, they shall give us something we have never had, even when we used to rely on ourselves in the first and second houses: compulsory expulsion of Arabs from the suggested areas of the Jewish State.” He also carried on, “As soon as the Arab residents are evacuated form the areas set for us, we shall have a real Jewish state for the first time in our history within an agricultural frame crowded with one million people who possess their own land. We have to root out all the assumptions that say this thing is impossible from our hearts. It is possible. We didn’t want to overtake the land from the Arabs, but England wouldn’t give a part of the land it had promised to the Arabs. This means that the Arabs shall have to move from our state into the Arabic part.” Ben-Gurion further illustrates the possible variances in practicing transfer against Arabs before and after the recommendations of Bill Committee’s report was issued in his speech on 29.07.1937, “… So far, we have settled in through expelling the residents from one place to another… In some few places in the area of our colonization, we never had to transfer the previous residents. In general, transfer was managed through agreements with the farmers and ‘deni-deportation’ was only necessary in very few places. Until now, transfer only occurred within the areas of the mandate. However, the main difference with the recommendation of the committee is that transfer shall be conducted on a greater scale and extent from the Jewish area to the Arab one. If it were possible to deport the Arab from one village to another within the territories of the British mandate, it should be easy to find a political or moral alibi that contradicts with expelling those Arabs from the proposed area of the Jewish state… Is there any need to detail the importance of having a continuous Jewish augmentation in the costal valleys, Jezrayel valley (Marj Ibn Amer), Jordan Valley and Houlla?”

 

In August 1937, the Jewish XXth Convention was held in Zurich, Germany. It was exciting to notice that its protocols didn’t mention the transfer principal though Chaim Weizmann delivered an important political speech in which he discussed transfer for a long time. Furthermore, he suggested a program to execute transfer. Though, Zionist historians didn’t mention a single word of Weizmann’s address, particularly the part relevant to transfer. The Zionist movement later worked on annulling Weizmann’s address from its official records while, in the same time, confirmed the speeches of some leaders who were less important than Weizmann. Despite all of this, Moshe Jlikson, an editor in Ha’aretz newspaper who attended the sessions of the convention, disclosed the issue. “During the sessions, some of us were too enthusiastic for the principle of deporting Arabs by using force of all the lands, even after the declaration of the state, in no time,” the editor revealed. Weizmann was somehow cautious when talking about transferring the Arabs. He, for instance, said, “It is possible that we deport 100.000 Arabs within 20 years, at a rate of 5000 per year.” He also talked about founding a national fund dedicated to the Jewish colonization in the areas that shall be evacuated of their Arab residents. Although Ben-Gurion determined the methodology of conducting transfer from the territories dedicated for the Jews by negotiating with the neighboring Arab states in his speech at the Jewish Agency on 07.06.1938, what actually happened didn’t reflect what he was convinced of as for the obligation of the ‘deni-deportation’.

 

Benny Morris, a Zionist neo-historian, clarifies the issue, “Upon revising the original protocols and the minutes of the sessions of the Jewish Agency (which had not been censored or annulled), Ben-Gurion had evidently believed during the 1930’s and 1940’s in the necessity of performing a mass, compulsory deportation of the Arab Palestinians in order to avoid their devastating challenges to the Jewish state. Yet, we shouldn’t continuously and publicly talk about this issue. We should deal with it confidentially and cautiously, as Hertzel said.” This opinion is supported with quotes from Ben-Gurion’s diaries where he mentioned that since January 1937, the Haganah had devised a military plan to occupy the Arab part of Palestine except for Al Nakab, south of Bir Al Saba within three stages. Therefore, the ‘Arabic Issue’ wasn’t settled in agreement with the native populace, but through a military takeover that made transfer inexorable. Sarskin’s and Kaplan Vetis’s plans were among the Zionist plans suggested to in this year to deport Arabs. These plans were distinguished with there clarity and supply of accurate details. These plans were interested in three kinds of rural population to be eradicated and transferred in the first period:

 

 

A.    Farmers.

 

B.    Villagers who had no land and who work in agricultural or other economical sectors.

 

C.    Farmers who possess a plot of land whose area is less than 3 km2.

 

He estimated that 78.300 Arabs of these kinds existing in the Jewish state belonged to:

 

1.         Residents of the costal areas such as Ramla, Jaffa, Tolkarem, and Gaza. He suggested that 18000 of them be deported into the territories of the Arab countries proposed in Bill partitioning project.

 

2.         Houlla area, mountains of the Higher Galilee, where 13000 would be deported into Syria.

 

3.         Other areas such as mountains of Galilee in Acre, Tabaraya, Nazareth, Haifa, and Safad, where 35000 would be transferred into the mountains and hills of East Jordan in Ajloun and in Balka.

 

4.         Bissan Valley, where 3500 capita were to be resettled in Jordan Valley on the East Bank.

 

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7- Plans of 1938 – 1948:

 

One would notice that the Zionist plans of this period started to become more interested in Iraq, more than other states, as a destination for the Palestinian deportees. The following includes the most important plans that were being discussed during that period:

 

A. Edward Norman’s Plan:

 

Norman, a Jewish millionaire from New York, left many documents pertaining to his plans to transfer Arabs into Iraq and to his real attempts to execute his plans between 1934 and 1938 in collaboration with the leaders of the Yychof and other Zionists. In February 1934, he evidently declared the headlines of his plan in a memo entitled ‘An Attitude about the Arab Issue in Palestine’. In that memo, he determined that the goal of his plan was to secure that Palestine is flooded with Jews gradually. Concurrently, a place should be sought for the Arabs to go to since ‘they couldn’t be exterminated and they shall not all die’. He considered Iraq as the perfect place for them or the potential homeland for a considerable part of the ‘current residents of Palestine’. His plan highlighted the advantages of this place because ‘there is no difference between Palestine and Iraq, or any other part of the Arab world’. Moreover, ‘frontiers that had been drawn as of the war were barely known or recognized for many Arabs and the language, traditions, customs and religion are the same’. Norman also saw that what facilitated the execution of his plan was that Arabs lacked the traditions of extreme adherence and belonging to the place since ‘Bedouin traditions were highly influential even among civilized communities’. It seems that Norman’s plan of transfer to Iraq had found ears in the British House of Commons. In one of the debate at the latter that took place on 24.11.1938, Captain Calsip said, “Iraq might contribute in settling down the conflict in Palestine by containing and enfolding the Palestinians.” There is a proposition named after an event called ‘Filby’. Filby was a British intelligence agent from the office of India who had worked as an advisor for King Abdul Aziz Al Saud. To make a long story short, a meeting attended by Filby, Chaim Weizmann and Moshe Charit took place on 06.10.1939 and an idea was raised. Palestine, pursuant to this idea, was to be surrendered, empty from all its Arab residents, except for the City of Vatican in Ancient Jerusalem, to the Jews in return for the Jews’ support to Ibn Saud’s ambition in leading the future Arab League. Filby also suggested that 20 million pounds be given to Ibn Saud provided that the whole project was executed. However, the issue remained a traceless event due to the unfeasibility of cutting a deal with Ibn Saud, according to Colonel Harelip Hoskins, Advisor of the Department of State and personal envoy of President Roosevelt. Hoskins sent a report saying that King Saud told him that he had excluded Filby because he suggested a Zionist bribe. On the other hand, Ben-Gurion’s perspective about transfer which was concluded in October 1940 might be summarized as follows:

 

-         Ben-Gurion definitely supported the commencement of transfer and dedicated a broad part of his thinking.

 

-         He believed that there was no sin or crime in commencing the ‘deni-deportation’.

 

-         Executing the ‘deni-deportation’ is necessary and required regarding a part of the Arab residents.

 

-         It wasn’t necessary that the Zionist movement unveil the idea of ‘deni-deportation’ for political reasons since it might immensely damage the reputation of the movement.

 

-         On the other hand, the Zionist movement didn’t have to prevent some other parties from sustaining the idea of transfer, but to call on other states, such as Britain, to execute the same.

 

-         If an Arab ethnic minority remained in ‘Israel’, it should be decently dealt with.

 

-         However, the presence of big Arab groups in ‘Israel’ will cause the latter a lot of problems in the future.

 

 Ben-Gurion pointed out Syria and Iraq as potential destinations for transferring the Palestinians to in an article published in Jewish Forenter on June 1942. He said, “Perhaps Syria and Iraq have an economical and political interests in enhancing their stances before the Turk and Persian neighbors through deporting Arab settlers into these two countries. The only source of such settlers is Palestine.” It seems that Ben-Gurion’s implications and indications came on the basis of the outcome of the expeditionary visit Kaplan Vatis made in September 1941 to the Syrian Al Jazeera area. The latter said in his diaries, “Undoubtedly, Al Jazeera’s is destined to be an enormous place to contain people. There are a lot of new plots of lands and water that are waiting to be exploited. If the governments wanted to solve the Jewish issue, a solution could be reached by deporting a part of the Arab residents in the land of ‘Israel’ to Syrian Al Jazeera, as well as the Iraqi one.”

 

In 1942, Baltimore Zionist Convention was held in New York and its resolutions remained unknown until General Patrick Harley, the personal representative of President Franklin Roosevelt (1933 - 1945) in the Middle East, submitted his report to the President in May 1943. The report revealed, “The Zionist Association in Palestine indicated its support to the following comprehensive program:

 

-         Founding a Jewish independent state that comprises Palestine and perhaps East Jordan.

 

-         Probability of transferring the Arab residents from Palestine into Iraq.

 

-         A Jewish leadership for the Middle East in the field of economical evolution.”

 

In 1943, Ben-Gurion set off the legitimate propaganda pertaining to expelling Arabs into Iraq or to a one unified Iraqi-Syrian state. He managed to get the ex-American President Hubert Hones support his campaign. As a result, two years later, precisely on 19.11.1945, Zionist American deportation campaign started and was named ‘Hoover Plan’ which was submitted to the White House. Correspondence and communications between Hoover and Ben-Gurion verifies that the former, until the late forties, was so active in plotting for deporting the Palestinians into Iraq.

The British Labor Party released a resolution in 1945 during his conference held in December 1944 in favor of deporting Arabs from Palestine without determining the destination.

 

Also, in 1945, Edward Norman implored the White House directly in a letter addressed to President Truman in which he claimed that ‘the solution of the political issues through expulsion has become a recognized means’.

 

He also wrote to the President to notify him, “Few years ago, I conducted a detailed survey about Iraq’s capability to contain a high rate of Palestinians.”

 

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8- Transfer in 1948:

 

At the beginning of 1948, the Zionist committees finished devising a plan for settling one and a half million Jews in preparation to destroy Palestine and replace the Arabs with the Jews. To facilitate this project, Ben-Gurion gave his orders to occupy groups of villages and not one by one so that ‘liberated zones could be formed’ where colonization would take place over public properties and the properties of the exiled deportees. By the end of March 1948, and before the war broke out, the Jews had expelled fifty thousand Palestinians from their homes and slaughtered 60 Palestinians in Saasaa massacre. The events that led to this deportation started on 29.11.1947 as the partitioning resolution was issued. In early April 1948, Ben-Gurion dusted his plan to conquer Palestine, which he had prepared four years earlier, and introduced four amendments to it before reaching its final formula as ‘Dalt Plan’. Accordingly, he gave orders to his 65000-soldier, well-trained Zionist army, who had experienced World War II, to destroy the Arab society in Palestine. Orders were given to devastate the Palestinian institutions, villages, cities, and, in short, eliminate all the human and constructional traces of the Palestinian society. Dalt paln, as published by Walid Khaldy, historian, stipulated that villages were to be demolished, residents to be expelled beyond the frontiers of the state – ‘Israel’ was not yet declared at the time – and any armed resistance to be demised. Troops were to be left in the occupied villages in order to inhibit their residents from coming back. The plan specified in details all the sites that were going to be invaded and occupied. Preparation to the destruction of Palestine comprehensively included all details. For every village there was a file in which each village’s characteristics were recorded: area, economy, corps planted, mayor’s name, relatives, friends, enemies, and guest place, and the well. These pieces of information were collected during apparent visits made by the colonizers who used to dress in Arab costumes and talked Arabic. They entered the village for different reasons and recorded every single detail.

 

Against all of this, the unarmed Palestinian people were defended by 2500 popular fighters distributed on some cities and villages, without being effectively armed or under one command. Later, 5000 Arab volunteers joined them in the Salvation Army who entered Palestine immediately before the end of mandate. As an outcome of the Zionist 36-day invasion, 213 villages were occupied, 410000 capita were expelled and the territories controlled by the Jews were tripled (from 1500 km2 to 5000 km2). Therefore, the state of ‘Israel’ was declared over 13% of Palestine. So, the enemy had decided the battle early and expelled more than half of the refugees before the regular Arab forces entered Palestine. In addition to ‘Dalt’ military plan, the Zionists used other means to displace the Palestinians, including:

 

-         Economical War Tactic: Ygal Alon, the enemy’s commander, urged using it through his invitation to wage war against all Palestinians, including children, without any discrimination and to practice punishment since, as he said, the only possible issue. He also refused all requests of ‘peace’ because ‘they shouldn’t be made unless a powerful strike is made, and these strikes must hit their economy’.

 

-         Psychological War: This war comprised the campaigns of ‘whispers propaganda’, ‘warnings made by friends’, continuous subjugation, absolute intimidation, and exploiting the terrorism of Lehy and Aragon gangs.

 

-         Massacres: Deir Yassine’s Massacre was the turning point in the War of 1948 and one of the most decisive factors in causing the displacement of great part of the Palestinians. Ben-Gurion capped his victory in Deir Yassine’s Massacre when he exhibited the survivors of the massacre in their ragged clothes and desperate conditions in trucks that traveled in the streets of West Jerusalem so that Jews could take a look at them and had a chance to insult them by spitting and swearing. The scene was surely more barbaric than that of the Middle Ages. Another massacre took place on 29 and 30.10.1948 at Al Dawaimeh village. The massacre there was as brutal as Deir Yassine’s. Thirty five massacres were recorded during the War of 1948; 25 occurred in Galilee because it was a part of the Arab state in the portioning proposition.

 

The Zionist war demolished 48 Arab villages out of 531. Two thirds of the 531 were completely devastated while the residue, where Jewish families lived, was destroyed in a less scale.

 

However, the new surveys conducted had indicated that 89% of the villages were displaced due to a direct military action whereas only 10% due to the psychological war.

 

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9- Transfer from 1948 – 1993 (Oslo Accords):

 

In 1948’s exodus, Zionism didn’t succeed in realizing its long-waited dream of a pure Jewish state by cleansing the native Palestinians. An Arab Palestinian minority remained over the land of Palestine in 1948. This minority was estimated at 150000 capita. This was the first failure that hit the Zionist project. It was unable to inflict its perspective about the ‘final solution of the Arab issue’ as had previously occurred in other relocation experiments that used displacement, genocide, coupling with the native, or a mixture of these methodologies. It is definitely due to certain special and objective reasons mainly because the Zionist experiment is different from other colonization experiments. The following are among these reasons:

 

-         It started at the end of the nineteenth century i.e. at a later date than other experiments.

 

-         It didn’t occur in one of the distant places of the old world like the Americas, Australia or New Zealand, but in the middle of the eastern part of the Arab world, in a region that is highly populated and has a long historical extension and profound civilized traditions and has a human and civilization extension that goes beyond Palestine.

 

 

The above reasons made displacement hard to a certain extent. Also, genocide was impossible and made the Palestinians issue (regarding population and history) obstinate before the colonial relocation solution which had been practiced in other areas at previous historic times. Yet the Zionist mind which is ruled by myths and legends remained adamant and inflexible in front of these facts and insisted on carrying on with the exodus that had happened in 1948 by displacing those who remained, then cleansing historic Palestine from the Arab existence. Zionist officials, as well as the entire Zionist association, had taken many procedures which implied that their minds were still obsessed with transfer, as a concept and practice. As soon as the War of 1948 came to an end, the committee of ‘displacing Arabs’ which is composed from many governmental agencies and department immediately tentatively decided in February 1949 that there was an obligation to exile the Arabs of Al Majdal. During the spring of 1950, Moshe Daian, who succeeded Ygal Alon in the command of the South Area, and his associates started executing the decision and they expelled the Arabs of Al Majdal into Gaza. Moreover, Zionism kept on endeavoring to create adequate circumstances to displace Palestinians into Iraq. This is revealed by the confidential documents opened to public access by the British Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1986 and which recorded the period of 1955. From the tone of the same documents, it seems that the British government had undertaken to provide the adequate circumstances for dislocating the Palestinians. Unquestionably, this role is retrieved by the United States today. This is not surprising. Britain has always been among the biggest supporters of the idea of displacing Palestinians into Iraq and Syria and settling them there, which is the second phase of transfer, and with it, transfer is achieved.

 

Documents of 1955:

 

Part of these documents contained the correspondence of the British government made with its embassies in the Middle East, in particular its embassy in Baghdad and the British Development Office in the Middle East. These correspondences discussed the issue of containing and naturalizing more Palestinian refugees in Iraq.

 

Most eminent among all is a letter by the British Development Office in Beirut to the British Embassy in Baghdad on 25.04.1955 about the possibility of finding jobs for Palestinian refugees in Iraq. The Embassy replied as follows:

 

“We have discussed the perspective pertaining to finding jobs for the refugees in Iraq with Mr. Pegout, the representative of the Welfare Agency in Iraq, and came up with the following:

 

The Iraqi possibility in the same scope is good and preferable. There are plenty of developmental works under execution. Also, there is a great expansion in job opportunities. These opportunities are likely to increase within the coming years. It is true that wages and salaries aren’t very high and they may not attract workers from overseas; however, these considerations are changing and there is a great tendency that they would go higher in association with a shortage in manpower.” The letter added, “It is true that Iraq, for political reasons, is not currently able to contain sufficient numbers of refugees, but its need to contain more work force shall lead to an increase in the refugees’ flow. We don’t consider how much Iraq could provide on the short run. We consider what it could provide on the long run since it is the place capable of more and more enclosing the refugees and integrating them in life, and possibly dissolve and suck them forever. This is what Pegout also thinks about the issue.”

 

Afterward, the economical section at the UNERWA set up a detailed report about the economical capacities of Iraq on the long run in which the focus was on the possibilities of naturalizing the refugees. This report was submitted to British Development Office which, in turn, sent the same to the British Embassy in Baghdad on 17.08.1955 for comment and suggestions.

 

The British efforts cannot be separated from the subsequent Zionist attempts that occurred during the triplet attack on Egypt in 1956 in order to exploit the attack to displace Palestinians. This was the title of the project that Ben-Gurion submitted to the French Prime Minister Moulier on 22.10.1956. Moshe Daian mentions the details of the said project in his diary ‘The Story of My Life’. Further to applying the colonial mentality similar to Syches-Picot that is capable of changing geography and the borders of places, Ben-Gurion, in this project, aimed at finding a solution for the refugees residing in Jordan, Syria, Lebanon and the West Bank and deporting them into a non-neighboring country to Palestine. He wanted to naturalize them in central Iraq and not in its extremities, taking into consideration that the area and oil resources of Iraq as well as its remoteness from the Zionist entity allows to contain great numbers of refugees. Ben-Gurion had demonstrated the formula of his project as follows, “Jordan doesn’t possess the basic components of a survivable independent country; thus, it should be partitioned: areas to the east of Jordan River must be annexed to Iraq in return for the latter’s commitment to receive the Palestinian refugees and naturalizing them in the center of the country; the western part of Jordan would then be a part of (Israel).”

 

This project only reaped failure because it refuted and gainsaid the project of the American President Dwain Eisenhower, who considered returning the greatest part of refugees who were deported and displaced in 1948 as the just solution for their cause. As a result of Eisenhower’s pressure, the Zionist entity tentatively agreed on returning 10000 refugees. However, it was only a lip service maneuver which had never been actually executed.

 

It is worth mentioning that Ehud Barak re-proposed the same number when discussing the ‘right to return’ of the refugees in the negotiations with the Palestinian Authority in Camp David II in July 2000.

 

The Zionist enemy’s failure to realize his dreams and perspectives during the triplet attack didn’t avert seizing this opportunity to transfer the residents of some border villages on the Syrian frontiers. In the eve of the thirtieth of October 1956, the enemy expelled the villagers from Akrad Al Bakara and Akrad Al Fanama in Houlla area. The Zionist army gave the villagers the chance to opt their deportation destination: either to Syria or to Shaab, in the occupied territories of 1948. The villagers opted to go to Syria in their third displacement. They were first displaced in the spring of 1948 and lasted until 1949. However, after the truce, they came back to their villages. Their second displacement took place in March 1951 when the Zionist army besieged the two villages and transferred them into Shaab where they stayed until 1952 when only a number of them were permitted to come back to their villages. The rest was prevented from returning although a decision rendered by the Zionist Supreme Court ordered that the residue return.

 

After that, expelling and displacing the Palestinians entered a recession period until the breakout of 1967 War when it was waken up once again and put into effect. A partial, but vast, deportation that included tens of thousands from the West bank and Gaza Strip took place in that war. The deportees were sent into Jordan and Egypt. They were estimated to reach 300000 people. They were called ‘expatriates’. However, the actual exodus in the 1967 was conducted against the Arab Syrian residents of the Golan when the Zionist army outcast 180000 capita, who are the entire population of the Golan. Only five villages were excluded from the exodus: Massaada, Bekaata, Majdal Chams, Ein Kinya and Al Fajer, which are still ferociously resisting a certain pattern of transfer that is based on eliminating the Arab Syrian identity and replacing it with the ‘Israeli’ one.

 

As the Palestinian resistance’s activities commenced in the early seventies in Gaza Strip, the Zionist army devised a plan to expel the refugees from Gaza Strip into within and without the Strip. This plan was disclosed by Maarif’s reporter on 02.02.1971, “Without any orders from the higher command, the army is exercising deportation against the families of the fighters from one place into another within the Strip. Besides, and under higher orders, the army is transferring some families from Gaza into Jordan.” That plan was supervised by Moshe Daian, the ‘Israeli’ War Minister. The enemy used many methods of destruction, torture and killings to achieve that objective. In Jabalia Camp, 1011 houses were destroyed, while 598 houses were leveled in Al Shatae. In addition, 400 houses were changed into debris in Rafah Camp. In the meantime, the ‘Israeli’ enemy kept on claiming many anonymous Arab corpses were being constantly found in the streets of Gaza and its suburbs. The number of these corpses in November and December 1970 was over one hundred cadavers according to the ‘Israeli’ confessions. Most of these dead bodies which were found in Gaza were for Arab detainees who were assassinated by the ‘Israeli’ authorities within their detainment camps either by torture or intentional elimination.

 

They forced men to take off their clothes and whipped them on their thighs. They also took women’s clothes off in the middle of the streets to search them. Soldiers stole watches and jewelry. The nurses of Gaza Hospital complained that the Border Guards made them undress their clothes while traveling in a bus to their work for the purpose of searching. In addition, the occupation installed a grand detainment near the beachside in Gaza for interrogation where detainees were also tortured. In 1970, and during the events of Black September, the idea of the alternative homeland was proposed by General Ariel Sharon when he offered the Zionist entity’s help to the Palestinian Liberation Organization in overthrowing King Hussein. In a press interview in 1974, Sharon declared that it was possible to talk with the leaders ‘rioters’ and help them topple King Hussein and installing a Palestinian state in Jordan.

 

However, his statement was intensively reacted to and criticized by the United States and the Zionist Right Wing. In order to ease the pressure of the Right on him, Sharon, one week later, declared that ‘negotiations with the rioters’ leaders, if held, shall not be about Judah and Samaria, but about eliminating the Hashimite regime. Few months later, he reconfirmed his opinion during a lecture he gave to some American academics through which he explained to them in details the Jordanian-Palestinian dilemma, “(Israel) has to choose one of two hazards: the first is an enemy Palestinian state to be created in Jordan and the second is to leave the Palestinian issue unsolved, and hanging over the head of (Israel) forever. I personally prefer the first hazard to the second.” Similar to yesterday, Sharon still sees that the negotiations proposed with King Hussein about the West Bank and Gaza Strip ‘shall not nip in the bud of the formation of a Palestinian state; therefore, we have to draw a starting line for solving the problem: to the west of Jordan, a state with Jewish majority is to be formed (in addition to increasing the settlements) whereas on the other side, to the east of Jordan, a state with Palestinian majority shall be formed.’ Sharon, however, didn’t decide where to get the required Palestinians to form such majority. It should be noted that the attempts aiming at solving the Palestinian issue via the Jordanian option way back to 1948 when the British imposed the division of Palestine between (Israel) and Jordan, implementing, according to their own discretion, the partitioning resolution by expelling the Palestinians away whereas the resolution set forth the creation of two states: an (Israeli) one and a Palestinian one. In the aftermath of June 1967 war, the Zionist entity suggested involving Jordan in solving the Palestinian issue and it seemed that King Hussein responded to this proposal. He later suggested on 15.03.1972 that a United Arab Kingdom be installed so that it encircles the West Bank and Jordan, by the PLO refused this proposal. On 22.06.1977, the King also suggested another plan that is based on erecting a federacy, and then changed into a confederacy in 1983 as a settlement between the plan of Fas Summit and Regan’s plan. Once again, this plan wasn’t approved of. Later, on 11.02.1985, an agreement was signed in Amman between Yasser Arafat and King Hussein that was founded on the principle of ‘land for peace’ and Palestinian self-governance within a confederacy between two states: Jordan and Palestine. In spite of that, King Hussein startled everyone when he declared on 19.02.1986 that he could no longer go on with the political coordination with the PLO.

 

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10- 1976 – 1993 (Oslo Accords):

 

In 1976, the Zionist entity once again tried to confine the ‘demographic threat’ that the Arabs of 1948 represent against this entity’s fate and capacity to complete filling the Palestinian land conquered in 1948. This was evident immediately after the immortal Land Day in the 30th of March, when a document, which was addressed to the ‘Israeli’ government, prepared by the Governor of the North Brigade, Israel King, and named after him, evaluated the Arabs status and political orientation and the threats they represent on the Zionist entity. The said document described the future coping with the Arabs of 1948 as ‘magical’. The document focused on northern Palestine, and particularly discussed the demographical issue and the aspects of ‘Arab national extremism’. The terms and expressions used in the document categorize Arabs of 1948 as enemies who are more dangerous than those who are beyond the border of Palestine. Some of the points that discussed the demographical issue and the ‘Arab national extremism’, we hereby mention the following:

 

1.      Arabs in ‘Israel’ are increasing at a rate of 5.9% per year whereas the Jewish natural population increase is 1.5%. This issue is intensified in the north where there is a big Arab populace. In the middle of 1975, the Arab population in the north became 250000 capita in contrast with the 289000 Jewish capita.

 

Researching on the basis of districts, it is verified that Arabs in the Galilee form 67% of the total population and 46% in Marj Ibn Amer. As Jews increase by 759 capita in the north, the Arabs increase by 9035 capita. According to this intensity, the Arabs in 1978 shall form over 51% of the population of the northern zone.

 

As for the sense of national extremist, and this is how I evaluate the Arab residents, their increase in Galilee embraces a threat that shall jeopardize our control and opens the door for military forces to enter ‘Israel’ the north. It is connected with intensifying the extreme nationalism among the Arabs of ‘Israel’ and their readiness to help in the same.

 

2.       Arab ‘Israelis’ gained a new national thrust since the six-day war. The policy of free communication with the Bank and the opened bridges led to renewing the connections among the Arabs of the Jerusalem and Judah mountains and the Palestinians in east Jordan with the Arab ‘Israelis’. Such connections formed the bases of removing the slogans of national extremist struggle in ‘Israel’. This unpreventable orientation has had a new left wing after the results of Yum Kipour and enhanced after the events in the international policy which led to recognizing the PLO that held high the flag of struggle for the Palestinian issue. Recently, we have recalled the UN resolutions as for the borders of ‘Israel’ in 1947, which don’t include great parts of ‘Israel’ today. The Arab ‘Israeli’ has become impatient so he moved into nationalism, though in expression only, at this stage.

 

The document also sees that the increase in the Arab population from 150000 people in 1948 into over 430 in 1975 gives the national extremism power and chance that time is working in its favor. This is also applied on a part of the northern area where Arabs exist in vast and near places.

 

Therefore, the document calls on the ‘Israeli’ government to take into consideration that at one of the antagonistic stages of political activity against the state, the issue of conducting a referendum in the north, where Arabs are the majority, shall break out. Such activities will be directed from abroad, but whoever holds the same shall be Arab left-wingers nationalists within the state. In addition, the same document draws attention to the organized activity of acquiring lands in the northern area by the Arabs such as in upper Nazareth, Akre and Marj Ibn Amer. Against all of that, the document suggests:

 

1.      Broadening and intensifying Jewish settling in Arab mass areas where the number of the Arabs exceeds the number of Jews as well as examining the possibilities of decreasing the Arab saturated areas. A special attention must be given to the northwestern borders of the state and Nazareth. So, compass reading and intensity of execution must be conducting in a different manner than usually adopted. In parallel, new laws that limit Arab settling in different parts of the state must be passed.

 

2.      All together, a powerful and stable Jewish leadership in upper Nazareth and Akre must be sought so that it could encounter the anticipated critical developments.

 

3.      Adopting the policy of ‘reward and punishment’ (under applicable laws) with leaders and areas that show any aspects of loyalty to Zionist state.

 

4.      In order to eliminate the advantage of the national struggle and representing the Arab-Israelis that Rakah Party possesses, and to search for those who are in the middle, another party for the Labor Party that supports equality, human and cultural values and language, social strive and peace must be created. Institutions must be prepared that their existence and control shall not be visible.

 

5.      Entire coordination among the governmental agencies, Hestedrot and local authorities must be made, particularly and strictly on the execution level.

 

6.      Exert all possible efforts to induce all Zionist parties to a national unanimous consent to the issue of the Arab-Israelis in order to keep them away from the internal political conflicts.

 

The document concludes as follows: “We have to recall and learn from the experience of other countries which has ethnic minorities that exaggerated and undisciplined tolerance doesn’t lead to objectives already planned, and this equation is absolutely true as for minorities such as the Arabs in (Israel).”

 

Besides King’s document, 1976 witnessed Sharon’s comeback to suggest his intentions regarding the ‘alternative homeland’ during negotiations he held with all the political spectrum of the Zionist entity starting with the Labor Party and reaching Yuri Efniri. He suggested that ‘Israel’ take advantage of the events taking place in Lebanon and start negotiations with Palestinians, but about what? Sharon answers, “We have to say to Syria and Egypt that they are playing with their destiny and they can only count on ‘Israel’ to solve their problems.” In December 1976, Sharon declared his desire to form an independent list, and set certain conditions to join the Lekud such as the approval of Lekud to his expression that says ‘Jordan is ‘Israel’s east border and that solving the region’s problems lies in installing a Palestinian state in Jordan’.

 

He once again declared that he was ready to meet PLO leaders ‘yet not to discuss the Bank’. Sharon also asked Yuri Efniri to arrange a meeting between him and Yasser Arafat that year because, in his opinion, they had something to talk about. He wanted to discuss toppling the so that Arafat could become the Governor of Jordan. Efniri says that Arafat didn’t even agree on the idea of the meeting. Arafat told King Hussein the same story when they met together for days after PLO forces had pulled out of Beirut and King Hussein, in turn, reported the same story to a Kuwaiti newspaper.

 

The invasion of summer 1982 also endeavored to find a final solution for the Palestinian issue and an ‘alternative homeland’ though this aspect remained in the shadows throughout the war. Sabra and Chatila Massacre of September 1982 was one of the means to achieve this aspect. Sharon’s main priorities when he planned for the war on Lebanon were to set the scene for annexing the West Bank to the Zionist entity and erecting a Palestinian state in east Jordan. Also, the relation of the West Bank with invading Lebanon had repeatedly emerged to the surface during the war, yet the track it followed pushed the whole issue into shadows again. There are many scripts that shed some light on matter:

 

Isaac Rabin told Yedout Ahranot in an interview on 22.07.1982, “As for political goals on the long run from the war on Lebanon, there are some members in the Lekud government who had thought that after achieving the main goals of this war, we should keep on using the army to erect a Palestinian state in Jordan by replacing the Hashimite regime with a Palestinian one. Those assumed that it would be the only solution for the Palestinian issue so the ‘Israeli’ sovereignty could be practiced upon Judah, Samaria and Gaza Strip.”

 

Ourit Shohot, the Israeli editor, in his article ‘The Rule of the State’ wrote, “In today’s concepts, we may call the plan that is going to discussed later ‘The New Order in Jordan’.” Nonetheless, this plan didn’t mass-influence the ‘Israeli’ public, who is by instinct doubtful of everything, because it was unfeasible. However, the Jordanians always dealt with the issue with profound concern, as Acher Sasar, a specialist in Jordanian affairs at Shilwah Institute, says. “They are calling the process an explicit name: the demographic aggression, due to the means ‘Israel’ used, according to the Jordanians, to topple King Hussein and erecting a Palestinian state. This means was the mass expulsion of Palestinians from the West Bank into Jordan after or before official attachment. During the Lebanese war, some options emerged and had they been achieved, they could have accelerated the tracks of erecting the New ‘Order in Jordan’ and this would have been a fulfillment to Sharon’s old dream,” Shohot added. Researchers Feldman and Richenter- Kegans also wrote, “The war of Lebanon had explicit objectives and two other implied goals which were supposed to be the automatic outcome of achieving other goals. The first goal aimed at weakening the PLO in the West Bank, which was to help in imposing self-governance in those territories, and the second was to find a track that would lead to overthrowing King Hussein and installing a Palestinian state.”

 

When Sharon was attacked in Foreign Affairs and Security Committee of the Knesset in June 1982, which was involved in discussing fighting Syrians, he repeated his detailed perspective about the Middle East, “I have never thought of the possibility of making great achievements on the Syrian front. You knew very well that I have always believed that using force is not always useful. On the Egyptian front, I believed in achieving military victories, yet on the Jordanian front, I believe that we could reach the most important of these triumphs.” When Isaac Rabin shouted at him, “Have you lost your mind? Papers will be issued tomorrow with headlines that we want to attack Jordan,” Sharon withdrew his words immediately and said, “What I said was about old concepts I had.” The next day Sharon told his intimate companions at the Knesset, including the correspondent of the French ‘Le Matin’, “If I were the Prime Minister of the government of ‘Israel’, I would give King Hussein twenty four hours to give up his throne and erecting a Palestinian state in Jordan.”

 

During the years of the great uprising (1987-1993), Zionist entity boldly expelled many Palestinian elites and leaders who were most effective in the track of the intifada into Jordan, Egypt and Lebanon. The most eminent expulsion was when the Zionist entity evicted 400 leaders of Hamas and Jihad Movements into Marj El Zuhur in Lebanon in 1992. However, such expulsions were temporary. The enemy, under the force of new factors, particularly the endurance of the exiled, had to allow their return to their homeland, Palestine.

 

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11- Transfer Plans: From Oslo Accords to Al Aqsa Intifada:

 

Oslo Accords was a crossroad in the history of the Arab-Zionist conflict that the entity tried to use to the further extent in order to construct and install ‘Great Israel’, the modified version of ‘Grand Israel’. The entity wanted to impose its economical, political and security domination over the entire Arab world through the project of ‘the New Middle East’ and to go on with executing the program of Baltimore Convention of 1942 which included:

 

1.         Founding a Jewish independent state that comprises Palestine and East Jordan too.

 

2.         Probability of transferring the Arab residents from Palestine into Iraq.

 

3.         A Jewish leadership for the Middle East in the scope of economical evolution.”

 

The Zionist enemy’s attempts to invest Oslo Accords went in two directions:

 

The first was to impose naturalizing the Palestinians in the Diaspora countries, if possible, through investing the emerging circumstances after the Gulf War II. In this direction, many consistent attempts were made, particularly regarding naturalizing them in Iraq. Laith Shbailat, the Jordanian striver, disclosed that during a confidential, closed meeting with President Saddam Hussein, the latter revealed a new secret saying that many Arab leaders and politicians had asked him to improve his relations with ‘Israel’ as it was the only way to solve the Iraqi dilemma and since ‘Israel’ can lead the way to remove the sanctions imposed on the Iraqi people. Shbailat says, “Saddam Hussein told me that he refused all these offers and even warned those who brought them up that it was the last time that he’d allow discussing them.” Dr. Lara Drick, an American expert and specialist in strategic policy, member to the executive committee of the International Consolidation of Human Rights, committed to clarifying what Iraq had to do for the Zionists, when she warned about the projects of naturalizing the Palestinian refugees in the Arab states, especially Iraq. In a meeting organized by the Palestinian Authority’s Ministry of Information, she said, “Many great powers have renewed their offer to the Iraqi government in return for removing the sanctions and besiege.”

 

She added, “The American administration in 1993 had suggested a project to naturalize the Palestinians in west Iraq in the desert area. Recently, the same issue was brought up after the crisis of the International Inspectors between the United Nations and Iraq. Another plan was devised during the last two years to naturalize the Palestinians residing in Lebanon in the Gulf region,” indicating that the plan originally comes from Belgium devised by a pro-Zionist lobbyist and suggested by a Congress delegate that have visited the Gulf. The American expert also pointed out that Gilman, a New York Senate, and the Head of the International Relations Committee in the Congress, formed a delegate that visited Qatar, Saudi Arabia and United Arab Emirates in late March and early April of 1997. The discussions with the Gulf officials focused on the issue of refugees and the possibility of containing about 30000 to 40000 refugees in each of the Gulf States in addition to naturalizing the Palestinians currently working in these countries. Drick believes that the refusal of this plan by the Gulf States revived the plan of naturalizing Palestinians in Iraq.

 

The second direction focused on facing the ‘demographic bomb’ of the Palestinians, especially in the 1948 areas, by conducting an exodus against them without declaring the same. It the worth mentioning that the term ‘demographic bomb’ used by the Zionist is merely a racist term derived from the racist Zionism which aims at constructing a pure ‘Israeli’, Arab-free state. This aim has evolved in a comprehensive study conducted by Zionist experts that began in 1944 and ended in 1997. The purpose of the study was to predict the Zionist entity’s figure within the coming 25 years, i.e. until 2020 AD. Two hundred fifty proficient technical experts from all the Zionist university faculties, offices, architectural companies, ministries and the Jewish Agency participated in the survey in addition to foreign experts. The study was conducted under the supervision of Adam Mazor. The study was released in 18 volumes entitled ‘Perspectives about the Future of ‘Israel’ until 2020 AD’. The survey mentioned the shortage of land controlled by the Zionist entity which is not sufficient for expansion. It is noted that the project’s main platform when calculating the issue was the Palestinian land occupied in 1948 and in the plots in occupied Syrian Golan Heights, and disregarded the West Bank and Gaza Strip. The project warily discusses the population number because it is directly relevant to the Zionist entity’s ability to attract the Jews of the world to immigrate into it. This is why the population estimation of 2020 mentioned therein doesn’t include the Jewish immigration but to the minimum extent. The population in 2020, according to the project, is estimated to reach 8.100.000 capita, out of which 5.832.000 are Jews, at an annual increase of 1% per annum only, and 2.268.000 Palestinians at a 3% increase per year. This means that the Palestinians rate, including the residents of Jerusalem, will increase from 23% in 1994 to about 40% in 2020. But the Zionist entity can’t accept such a fact. Therefore, it is trying to find other methods to keep the Jewish majority high. Salman Abu Sitta comments on the topic, “Carefully studying the Palestinian and Jewish distribution in ‘Israel’ between 1994 and 2020 according to the ‘Israeli’ project, we shall find out that ‘Israel’ intends to effect a new ethnic cleansing, without explicitly mentioning the same.”

 

Abu Sitta continues, “Comparing the numbers and the populace distribution between 1994 and 2020 shall only lead to the following results:

 

Transferring the Palestinians from their gatherings in Galilee and the triangle into the center of the country where the Jewish density exists so that they lose their agricultural and economical base and become wagers for the Jews. In return, the project heartens the Jews to move from the center into Galilee, the triangle and Nakab under the temptations of tax exempts and economical support so that the Arab population extension from north to south, which is next to the truce line, is cut off. It is also noted that this redistribution thwarts the Palestinians from forming a population majority in any of the so called ‘natural areas’ which are the smallest administrative division in the country.”

 

Abu Sitta’s goes on with his conclusions, “For the same reason, ‘Israel’, before releasing the project, paved a broad highway (No. 6) from north to the south which penetrated the Palestinian territories in ‘Israel’ that takes over some of them or divides others into isolated areas without economically benefiting them or link them to the same highway.”

 

Hertzilia Document:

 

Zionist talks and plans about transfer remained hidden during Oslo. They need conclusion and amnesty to be revealed. As Al Aqsa Intifada broke out, they were revealed and trickled into public discourse. They have become titles for conventions and Zionists from all the political and ideological spectrums discussed them. We can say that they have become the most renowned modern manifestations of the concept of transfer. Hertzilia Convention, held between 19 and 21 December 2000, i.e. three months after the Intifada had broken out, and the document produced by it are the most prominent. The convention took place at Dan Akadia in Hertzilia and entitled ‘Insubordination Balance and National Security – Orientations of Public Policy’. Three hundred figures from the Zionist elite participated in the convention. Moshe Katsav, the Zionist President, Ehud Barak, Zionist PM at the time, Benjamin Netanyahu, Baraks’s predecessor, Ariel Sharon, Barak’s successor, and Shaoul Mofaz, Chief of Staff at the time, were among the participants. The convention was presided by Oozy Arad, the political advisor of the former PM Netanyahu, said that ‘whoever failed to appear at the convention isn’t considered among the ‘Israeli Supreme Leadership’.

 

The Zionist press, however, said it was as important as the International Economic Convention that is held annually at Davos, Switzerland. The press also assimilated it to Bladberg Forest Convention in Holland, which was created as a secret seminar to study the problems of the world and coordinate dominating it.

 

Preparatory committees preceded Hertzilia Convention. These committees studied many topics which were discussed by the participants. Among these topics came the following:

 

-         Defense and prevention balance of the state of ‘Israel’

 

-         War against the Intifada

 

-         War with the neighboring countries

 

-         War with the farther circle

 

-         Palestinian demographic threat

 

-         ‘Israeli’ technological superiority

The convention summarized the outcome of its deliberations and discussions in a detailed document that would include the recommendations which would be submitted to the decision makers. In the middle of March 2001, the document was published. The preface of the summary said that the research of the convention realized that ‘Israel’ has reached a crossroads which shall decide whether it will thrive or fade away, and that deciding the issue lies within its hands.

 

The most relevant issue in the document which is directly linked to transfer is the demographical one which is Zionist entity encounters in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, in addition to the Palestinians living in the lands occupied in 1948. Therefore, the document highly focused on this issue. Discussing how to cope with this threat, many criminal solutions were brought forward which ranged from compulsory reproduction control among Palestinians and transfer that comprises the residents of the Bank, Strip and 1948. And as Zionist journalist, Munir Shilg, confessed in Ha’aretz (23.03.2001), ‘the document’s recommendations were terrifying in the general spirit, and they went with the vision and orientation of the extreme right, who, according to Shlig, couldn’t have ratified better recommendations to reflect its untamed bohemian ideology’. 

 

The document described the ‘demographic threat’ as follows:

 

“The Palestinian people doubles itself once every twenty years. Its annual increase is 4.2%, which is among the world’s highest. The birth rate among Moslems and Palestinian Christians in ‘Israel’ is 4.6 per woman. At the time being, one of five ‘Israeli’ is an Arab Moslem. In the coming twenty years, the rate shall be one out of three.” According to the document, this situation implies a hazardous security significance which is relevant to the vitality of ‘Israel’ as a Jewish state. It also has an economical significance. The increasing Arab population in ‘Israel’ has social and economical characteristics which can change into a rock that burdens the shoulders of ‘Israel’ and its welfare since the work force of the Palestinians in 1948 is very low (women and children don’t work). In return, the Palestinians consume more public services (education, health and insurances) than their dedicated rates.

 

Accordingly, the document recommends the cancellation of insurance allocations for families with many children. It also recommends settling Jewish residents in Palestinian dense areas, particularly in Galilee and Nakab in order to avoid a geographic extension of an Arab majority in these areas. This of course reminds us of King’s document. Besides, Hertzilia document calls for a population exchange between ‘Israel’ and the Palestinian state, which means to expel the Palestinians of 1948 and the Palestinians in Jerusalem.

 

The document also calls for transferring the Palestinians of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip without mentioning the same directly but through linking it to a certain event, which is comparison. In the same extent, the document said that there shall be a need for finding an exit in a place other than ‘Israel’ – may be in east Jordan – to settle the Bank’s Palestinians if they don’t abstain the frequency of their reproduction. And as long as the Jewish intellect plans to amass ten million Jews in Palestine, and as long as water and land resources are limited, transfer shall be high on the Zionist agenda.

 

The figures who support the transfer process have reached the political and security decision making positions in the Zionist entity as Sharon topped the government. During his term of office, transfer has come to the surface and became a part of the internal discussions of Zionist parties. And when the Labor Party demanded to shelve the figures of extremism in the government, beginning with Rahbaam Zaifi since his party official adopts the transfer option, Zaifi retaliated by saying that transfer is a fixed ‘Israeli’ policy that has been practiced since installing the Zionist entity and still, and not just a party’s or a political movement’s stance. The Labor party has practiced this policy for years. Thus, Zaifi considered his party (Moulidet Movement) ‘an extension to the ‘Israeli’ heritage and not just extrinsic’. In an article published in Maarif (04.03.2001), Zaifi said, “We do adopt the transfer concept. And what’s wrong with that? The transfer we are suggesting is voluntary or by humane agreement whereas Mabai party adopted compulsory transfer.” Zaifi retrieves the compulsory transfer of the residents of Al Lid and Al Ramla during the exodus of 1948 and says, “When we liberated (!!) we didn’t know how to deal with the civilians, so we asked the command about it. Commander Isaac Rabin ordered that we deport them and said that it was an order issued by Ben-Gurion, the PM and the Minister of Defense at that time. We have done as ordered. Does the Labor Party know that?” Zaifi concludes asking and defying the leaders of the Labor Party to answer him if they really have a real idea about solving the Arab-‘Israeli’ conflict other than the transfer. Of course, Rahbaam Zaifi, who was assassinated by the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, is not the only one who publicly calls for the transfer. Most of the prominent figures of the Zionist current and who call themselves ‘the supporters of the ‘Israeli’ peace camp’ share Zaifi’s public debate. The retired General Shlomo Gazette, Ex-chief of the Military Intelligence Unit, is one of those. After the convention of Hertzilia, he wrote an article in Yadout Ahranot (28.03.2001), “As a conclusion of reading and hearing the demographers’ anticipations, it became clear to me that if we don’t take the necessary and vital measures, ‘Israel’, as a Jewish secured state, with a Jewish majority, shall extinct.” He adds asking, “What are we supposed to do?” “First, we acknowledge the presence of danger and the necessity to devise a national contingency policy. Second, we have to take measures that foil the increase of Palestinians within the territories of 1948 (How?). Third, we have to take measures to increase the Jewish residents in the state through immigration and mass Judaization for every non-Jewish and who desires to become a Jew.” Gazette considers that living in a contingency atmosphere is a necessity until the entity gets rid of the Arab Palestinians.

 

Against that, the question which is to be raised is: Is this kind of thinking today is just a phenomenon, or is it an overwhelming and prevailing atmosphere that is growing to a certain end within the entire Zionist assembly?

 

Meir Stigeltis, the Zionist author, says, “Time is working for them steadily but not so fast. Discussions are about the powers which support transfer as a comprehensive solution for the Palestinian-‘Israeli’ conflict.

 

Supporters of transfer are growing everyday. And as of now, the issue of transferring the Palestinians has become a part of the public debate, and in the next stage it shall be a central issue – in the elections. So soon, we shall see big banners holding words such as ‘Transfer Now’. I believe that the transfer explosion is anticipated by the end of this decade.”

 

Moulidet Movement’s Document:

 

Curators of ‘Israel’s’ Land Movement, founded by Rahbaam Zaifi, issued a document of transfer by the end of March 2002. The document begins with an illustration, about its nature and objectives as a group of researches and adaptations, that seeks to eliminate ambiguousness, ignorance and danger that foil discussion from taking place. It also repeats Zaifi’s suggestion during the twelfth Knesset elections, “Only transfer leads to peace.” The document then moves into discussing the categories of transfer in order to achieve it:

 

1.    Voluntary Transfer: Along with sticking to the land of state through erecting settlements and containing the immigrants who performed transfer and came from all over the world to gather in the ‘promised land’, Arabs must be encouraged to leave the West Bank through fiscal subsidies and other methods.

 

2.    Transfer through Fighting: The independence war has introduced geographical and demographical changes when the Arab leaders led their peoples to the painful Nakba. Arab leaders should know that there is no clean and decent war, and who ever wages war against the ‘people of ‘Israel’, he has to pay for it by transferring him from his house and place of domicile. If they can’t live here with us in peace, then they shall never live.

 

The ‘Israeli’ pre-emptive force shall not come back unless it is made clear to our neighbors that terrorism shall lead them to lose their houses as in 1948, when it was a disaster for them and independence for us.

 

3.    Transfer by Agreement: This kind of transfer is made when two states reach an agreement between each other that stipulates to move civilians from one place to another for the sake of peace. Regrettably, in this way the Jews were eradicated from Sinai and Rafah under a peace agreement between ‘Israel’ and Egypt, as well as in many other places over the globe. If we want, we may endure that and install, under international agreements, two states for two people on the two banks of Jordan River.

 

Later, the document discusses the idea of an ‘alternative homeland’ and talks about on the basis of the saying ‘this bank is ours as well as the other’. But, regretfully – according to the document, in the east bank, a Palestinian state still exists. Both banks are the historical land of ‘Israel’ and they are both ‘Palestine’ which was meant in Balfour Declaration. The document justifies that due to the historic mistake Churchill had made when he crowned the Hashimite Family on eastern Palestine and installed the Jordanian state out of nothing at all, thus contradicting the real facts: over than 70% of Jordan’s residents are Palestinians.

 

In the light of believing that Jordan is Palestine, the document says, ‘It is possible to deport the Arab residents of the West Bank and change them into citizens in the Palestinian state whose capital is Amman provided that the residents of the camps in the West Bank and other Arab countries are naturalized. Arab residents in ‘Israel’ who prefer not to be loyal to ‘Israel’ can vote for the Palestinian Parliament in Amman without being eradicated from their homes. And if the Arabs waged war against us, they would be deported to their state beyond Jordan.’

 

Nevertheless, Moulidet doesn’t want to wait for war to break out, and suggests a Zionist invitation or initiative in the document, “Let be ahead of things through transfer: we transfer the Arabs of the West Bank and Gaza Strip into the Arab states. The solution of the Arab-‘Israeli’ conflict and peace cannot be achieved but through separating the two people: Jews in the land of ‘Israel’; Arabs in the Arab states. This shall be the next stage of population exchange that began with the Jewish immigration from Islamic countries into ‘Israel’. Consequently, the demographic threat shall disappear and the conditions to annex the liberated area of the homeland shall be available.”

 

The document later moves on raise questions which it also answers such as whether the transfer is moral or immoral. It decides that it is moral whether it concerned Jewish or those who are without a homeland, or Palestinians who shall be the losers due to the results of war which shall destroy their homes and make them refugees. The document further adds that the whole world understands that there is no peace in bi-ethnic countries and there is a desire for separation. The dilemma, however, is that there is no single Arab state that approves of the idea and accept to contain Palestinians. From this point, the document moves on to the second question: how would transfer be conducted? It says that ‘Israel’ has to suggest transferring the Arabs of the Bank and the Strip as a condition for peace in all future negotiations. “We can’t relinquish these areas and we cannot have them while they are populated. Moreover, ‘Israel’ can’t survive long without holding to the precious military areas in the land of ‘Israel’ and the crossing points to Jordan,” the document inserts.

 

As for the question whether transfer is practical or not, the document replies, “It’s feasible and viable like the Zionist project since its beginning till present when it appeared that installing a Jewish entity in an Arab and antagonistic surrounding, declaring that entity, fighting seven Arab armies in 1948, creating agricultural communities in a semi-desert area, making tanks and aircrafts in a country which doesn’t have heavy industry and many other issues were chanceless. We have succeeded because of faith.” The document also urged for taking immediate actions form one side to encourage the Arab immigration from the bank’s territory, closing academic institutions so that students go to Arab countries to get tuition and decreasing the passage on the crossing points.

 

In addition, the document released by Moulidet Movement raised questions about the stances of other Zionist parties and began with the Labor party wondering if they really believe in coexistence. “Of course not. The Labor Party has become desperate of coexisting.” It then moves to the Lekud and questions whether they support transfer. The documents also answers, “Yes, they do. They are in favor of transfer, but they refrain from declaring so because they are afraid to lose the Arab votes in their struggle for power.”

 

The document then moves ahead and clarifies the difference between Moulidet and Kakh about transfer. “The thoughts of the two parties are incomparable. Unlike Moulidet, Kakh Kahanna Movement desires to use force in transferring the Arabs and not negotiations. Transfer is a brutal, non-Jewish and nonpolitical action.”

 

As for the destiny of the Arabs in ‘Israel’, the document makes it clear that those who believe in the existence of a Jewish state and comply with the obligations derived from this belief shall enjoy all the rights. However, those who oppose the existence of the state of ‘Israel’ shall leave the country ‘because it is ours’.

 

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12- Transfer Logistics:

 

It is a document that includes detailed plans concerning the methods to be used in confronting the demographic threat for the Zionist entity by using compulsory expulsion against all Palestinians from the region extending from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean with 3 to 5 five years. This document was issued by Jamla group, which was founded by Zionist ex-officers and settlers. The group introduces itself as ‘the front line in the battle for the land of (Israel)’, and it organizes and participates in demonstrations, publishes articles, labels and newsletters for that cause, and in general, most of its activities are coordinated. Some other key organizations in the national camp also partake in the said movement. The 9000-word document was written by Boris Shostev on 03.07.2002 and was prefaced as follows:

 

“Collective ethnic cleansing against all Palestinians is the only resolution for the Palestinian-‘Israeli’ conflict. The bible has supported this solution.” The document called on the Zionist entity to clearly illustrate to the international community that if no decision is taken and a state was installed for the Arab Palestinians in a suitable site within 3 to 5 years, the entity shall start transferring the Arabs into Jordan and Sinai. Not only does the document regard the logistics of transfer into Jordan and Sinai as the only designated places, but it also raises two other alternatives that the geographical and political realties provide them today: Iraq and Saudi Arabia. Talking about these two options is inevitably related to the imminent US war against Iraq. Suggesting Iraq for this role ways back to 1930, according to the document, and if the US is currently studying the process of toppling Saddam Hussein, the idea of relocating the Arab Palestinians into Iraq must be taken seriously and vigilantly. After changing the regime, the document continues, Iraq will be divided into many territories that enjoy self-governance (for Kurds and Arab Palestinians for example). The document also considers that as the best available strategy. Why is that? The document answers that question by referring to the logistics of transfer, and above all, eliminating, forever, the Iraqi trials to gain domination in the Arab world. In the second place, it shall eliminate the obligation to create a Kurd state from the international agenda. Should the Arab Palestinians need two states, it is clear that the Kurds deserve at least one. Eventually, it shall solve the Arab Palestinians’ issue by giving them a second state, sufficiently distinct from ‘Israel’.

 

On the other hand, transferring Palestinians into Saudi Arabia is to be made according to the Zionist-American suggestion (Bertram Cohen), which is called Baroch plan. This suggestion is said to inflict numerous benefits. Among the most useful is that the Palestinians could be settled next to the Islamic holy shrines in Mecca and Medina. Living there, as a result, will certainly be better than running after a capital in Jerusalem which is merely a political desire and which will never be approved of by ‘Israel’ if the division is to be implemented. Since the Saudis have lately approved of the peace plans in the Middle East, it wouldn’t be more honorable if the Saudis shared their land with their Palestinian brothers. This could be a proof from the Saudis about their sincerity with respect to their peace invitation. The document further adds that if the Saudis are really concerned over peace, then their support to this option will surely bring peace to the region because it shall eliminate the main source of occupation (between the Arabs and Jews). The document also confirms that in both directions of the matter the area of the lands dedicated for the Palestinians shall be four or five times bigger than the area of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip which is about 2268 square miles. The second most important point in confirming these two options is that the refugees dilemma shall be immediately resolved and they would be able to move to their new country associated with the international community’s aid, headed by ‘Israel’.

 

The document also discusses the manner of executing transfer. The method to be used is determined to be swift military operation. It suggests starting with a relocation of a little group of 1000 persons within 48 hours. The evacuated area must be entirely leveled and devastated. In case any Palestinian showed any resistance, the document suggests committing war crimes and crimes against humanity. “Any attempts from the Arab Palestinians part to perform any resistance activity must be immediately snuffed out by using the most brutal means.” In order to achieve the same objectives, the document proposes adopting the suggestion of the Liberal American Professor at Harvard University, Alan Dershowitz after introducing few modifications. The proposal suggests the following:

 

“‘Israel’ warns that it shall retaliate by destroying and leveling an Arab village or settlement that will be chosen by computer from a prepared list. The essence of the idea is to make the Arabs directly responsible for their fate and to make it clear that the martyrdom attacks shall not only be refused, but be severely punished for. At that time, Arabs, in addition to the international community, will know what would happen if the Jews were attacked. Using the computer to choose the site to destroy shall equalize between Arabs and Jews. As a matter of fact, Jews don’t know the place where the fighters shall attack, and the Arabs shall not know which of their villages would be leveled in retaliation.” According to the document, the number of the Arabs who desire to leave the land of ‘Israel’ shall increase. Indisputably, such terrifying style of genocide and ethnic cleansing had been previously planned and practiced by the Nazism in World War II. The author of the ‘Transfer Logistics’ doesn’t forget to clarify the reasons that make the transfer of Palestinians from the so called ‘land of (Israel)’ an obligation and a must. He defines the importance in three reasons or justifications which are the same as the objectives of transfer:

 

1.   Finding a material area between ‘Israel’ and the Arab Palestinians which shall completely eradicate any ability (as well as any desire on the long run) to execute attacks against Jews.

 

2.   This abolishes the demographical threat which the Jewish state shall encounter.

 

3.   It shall let ‘Israel’ achieve a greater progress under the most suitable circumstances for the Jewish people to live alone.

 

As the document draws the details of the transfer and specifies its locations, it recognizes the presence of dilemmas and complications that tackle these plans. Hence, it calls for approaching them at the same time and make them include the following factors and elements:

 

a. A media campaign on the international level

 

b. An illustrative media campaign dedicated to the ‘Israelis’

 

c. A media campaign among the Arabs in the West Bank and Gaza Strip that encourages them to accept naturalization.

 

d. A media campaign among the Arab-‘Israelis’

 

e. Transfer procedures from ‘Israel’ in the West Bank and Gaza Strip

 

Concerning the media campaign on the international level, the document gives two reasons for performing it:

 

1.       To make the international community at least take into consideration the idea of transfer and informing the same of the benefits of the solution. Although the chances of acquiring international support are very low, the whole idea of transfer is equal to nothing if it is not taken out into light.

 

2.       ‘Israel’ doesn’t really need to convince the entire globe, but needs a little support from its allies such as the USA, and even with such limited support, executing transfer shall be easier than ever.

 

The purpose of the international campaign shall be to tell the world that it would be more viable to create the new Palestinian state over the lands of another existing Arab state. And that this state shall have the chance to grow more and better than if it were to be inserted in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip in 2268 miles of nonadjacent lands. In the same time, the danger on the international peace will remarkably decrease. It also aims at changing the direction of debate from the very weak idea of ‘the right to the land’ to a worthiest one which is ‘the right to natural existence and dwindling the danger of waging a vast war’. According to the document, the most important raison d'être is that transfer will save a countless number of Jews and Arabs, provide a greater territorial stability and grant Arab Palestinians a chance in a better future exceeding what they would have ever dreamt of had a state been erected in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. The document also implies that the divided Arab reality gives the best means to persuade the whole world to support ‘Israel’. It is logical due to the history of the Arab world to take a plot of land from any Arab state and give it to the Palestinians to form their state over. To give more importance to this idea, ‘Israel’ shall need to take many practical procedures.

 

The document suggests that the first procedure be the immediate attachment of all the lands in the Bank and the Strip since it shall put ‘Israel’ is similar situation to Iraq and Saudi Arabia, disregarding any legal justifications. According to ‘Israel’s’ own reading of the international law, these lands are not occupied due to the following reasons set up by the document:

 

1.     These lands had never been under any kind of Palestinian control or sovereignty before Oslo Accords.

 

2.     ‘Israel’ had gained these lands in a defensive war from an enemy whose control was never internationally recognized.

 

3.     The status of these lands which are ‘disputed over’ and not ‘occupied’.

 

As for the media campaign among the Jewish ‘Israelis’, the document justifies that if the Jews were in the past convinced with necessity to do so, transferring Arabs would have been done earlier and the relations between Arabs and ‘Israel’ would have been notably better. The campaign calls on focusing the possibility of implementing transfer through proofing it. For this purpose, the document underlines the moral justification of transfer through portraying it as the only solution available to preserve lives and since it makes the regular future possible for plenty of people who had never had a hope before. So, transfer is considered the most decent alternative. The document sees that it is time to get the upside-down issue back on feet and end the taboos imposed thereby.

 

What’s more, transfer will not only end the tension in the Middle East provided that the international community is helping in transferring the Arabs into another place, but will also enhance the defensive ability of the Jewish state decisively and grant it more security as well as military and strategic depth. It shall also reactivate the immigration of Jews into ‘Israel’ and eliminate the dilemma of refugees. This campaign amongst the ‘Israelis’ shall tighten up the religious link bonds between the Jews and their land. This shall be the role of Avi Itam.

 

It is predicted that no remarkable effort is needed among the Jews and ‘Israelis’ since it has become their sole alternative. According to an annual poll for the purposes of national security conducted by Javi Center for Strategic Surveys at the University of Tel Aviv by the end of February 2002 and supervised by Professor Asherrian, 46% of the Jews preferred transferring the Palestinians from the Bank and the Strip and 36% preferred deporting the Arabs of 1948 from ‘Israel’. Upon bringing up this topic indirectly, 60% answered that they prefer to encourage the Arabs in ‘Israel’ to leave the country. Analyzing the results of the said survey, Arieh Daian wrote in Ha’aretz (17.03.2002) quoting Yuli Olstein, the Minister representing ‘Israel Baalia’ party, “Unfortunately, the results of the poll reflect the fact I see almost everyday. Some support transfer explicitly and evidently whereas some others use tricky and cunning words. However, all of us are agreed that we have to take a certain procedure.”

 

As for the campaign among the Arabs of the West Bank and Gaza Strip, it is a hard mission even for a powerful army. Therefore, it must be made voluntarily. This is the only solution. “Arabs must reach a conviction that they have no future in west ‘Israel’. Thus, ‘Israel’ has to work on making the Palestinian understand that transfer serves their benefit. All ‘Israeli’ policies must be devised to make the Arabs prefer leaving. The document continues with a poll made at Bir Zeit University on 7 & 8 September 2001. The results indicated that in case chances were available, 21.9% of the Arabs would immigrate, i.e. more than 600000 Arabs are ready to abandon the Bank and Strip and go after better chances. As a result, the document clarifies that if ‘Israel’ makes it clear that it will implement the transfer option, and if it is going to give suitable incentives to leave, the number will dramatically increase. What makes things easier is that more than 40% of the Arabs of 1948 and 50% of the Arabs in the Bank and the Strip and more than half of the refugees are below 16 years old. The author concludes that less than half of the Palestinians were born before 1967 and a far lesser number were born before 1948, so their attachment to a land that most of them had never laid an eye on is derived from their desire in a better life to live now. The author indicated that most of the Palestinians would seize the chance whenever it is given to them to leave the refugees camps to start a better life. Another important reason that makes the Arabs in the West Bank and Gaza Strip attached to their land is that because most of them survive from working in ‘Israel’. The document quotes Ezekiel Ben-Noun (21.03.2002 – article in Marocishon), “Currently, and despite the restrictions on entering ‘Israel’, great numbers of the Arabs of Gaza and the Bank are still working there. (Israelis) employ 150000 workers of the Arabs of 1967 daily.” According to Terry Larson, the Coordinator of the United Nations, every single Arab provide for 10 Arab individuals, so the total of the population provided for by the ‘Israeli’ companies is 1.5 million people of the Arabs of 1967 or half their number. The document proves its previous conclusions by quoting Ben-Noun once again, “When Israel reduced the number of labor permits usually issued to the Arab workers, 100000 Arabs left the territories controlled by the Palestinian Authority and immigrated to foreign countries.” “Moreover, let’s not forget that the number of Arabs who would like to immigrate is about 600000,” the document adds.

 

Additionally, ‘Transfer Logistics’ gives a great importance to the campaign among the Arab-‘Israelis’ because making them leave will be more complicated. Despite this fact, it should be made since they alone form a demographical threat to the Jewish state, and ‘Israel’ simply has no choice other than expelling them. The document suggests that the following constraints are imposed on the Arabs of 1948 to make them leave:

 

1.  Enact a law that prevent non-Jewish from participating in the ‘Israeli’ political life.

 

2.  Draft a law that encourages relocating the Arab-‘Israelis’ outside ‘Israel’ and providing them with a monetary reconsideration in return.

 

3.  Enact a law that imposes a kind of mandatory civil service on Jews and Arabs. Arabs shall have to choose between serving the Jewish state or leave the same.

 

4.  Should the Arab-‘Israelis’ opt to remain in ‘Israel’, they can be given the right to convert into Judaism.

 

The last suggestion is supported by supplying similar events that took place in the Jewish history. In 120 BC Adomians were given the chance to opt between leaving and converting into Judaism by Jonathan Herkavos. More than one million remained and converted. One hundred years later, Youssifus wrote that their descendants were the most enthusiasts in defending the Jewish state in its struggle against Rome.

 

Although the document concentrates on the campaigns, it doesn’t exaggerate on depending on them, but calls for ‘Israel’ to simultaneously perform certain actions to prove the authenticity and seriousness of its intentions. The first step towards the same objective is to expel Arafat and attach the West Bank and Gaza. It also recommends that the proposal of Professor Paul Edeliberg, which is to sell the lands in the Bank and the Strip to any of the Jews all over the world who want to move into ‘Israel’ at very cheap prices, be adopted. Improving the Jewish life in Gaza and the West Bank must become a priority for the policy of ‘Israel’ as well as building highways, an airport and a harbor there. An additional view is to adopt Professor Alan Dershowitz’s suggestion as for retaliating against potential attacks. The document further demands a timetable for the transfer which should not take more than 5 to 8 years.

 

‘Israel’ must revive the talks with Jordan and Egypt about relocating the Arabs of the West Bank and Gaza Strip in case there. Should this suggestion not succeed, they must be relocated in Iraq and Saudi Arabia. The document leaves the conclusion for life to put accordingly. But it continues with confirming that the issues that seem impossible to realize at the being time, or could be applied in an argumentative atmosphere, shall be as easy and 1, 2, 3 when time comes. Most importantly among everything else is to have a clear goal which is to deport Palestinians collectively, which is an absolutely divine goal which should never be given up. Hence, the last sentence in the document is adopted from ‘The Holy Rise’, a book by Rabbi Shlomo Kar Libach, “The land of ‘Israel’ is the sleeping isle of the God, where He coexists with the Jews, his favored people, and where there is no place for others who have nothing to do with God and the Jewish People.”

 

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13- Other Perspectives about Transfer:

 

What is going on within the occupied territories has undoubtedly indicated the fact that the Zionist entity has never stopped at shifting the concept of transfer into plans, but started implementing them on real grounds awaiting the suitable time. In this scope, Mohamad Hassanin Haykal says, “No one has sufficiently noticed Sharon’s first instructions; he ordered the crossroads be cleaned from stones, by all means possible, including bulldozers, so that children wouldn’t find any to use; i.e., he began with the disarming process.” Sharon also determines the option after getting rid of the Palestinian authority: he would try to implement the ‘Jordanian resolution’ by attaching the unwanted remains to Jordan. This new state may call itself whatever it may choose: Jordan, Palestine, etc…Zaif Chiv reported that Jordan members asked ‘Israel’ before Taba meetings in December 2001 not to surrender West Jordan to the Palestinians since it will create borders between Jordan and the promised Palestinian state. But Jordan at the same time doesn’t wish to substitute for not giving the same area to the Palestinians. Haykal continues, “There was a suggestion to keep the destiny of the region suspended for at least twelve years. This request, disregarding the persons who made it, is highly indicative that there are certain persons who think of Jordan as a kind of solution. What is being written for the future of the orient for the next century was discussed in London and Washington in the last weeks of King Hussein’s life in January 1998 when he spent over two weeks between London and Washington. The scenario fulfilled the ambitions of the King in inheriting the throne of Iraq. Though he was enthusiastic to the idea, he was suspicious of many surrounding leaders. He wanted to know exactly what Jordan can anticipate by the end of this scenario and whether he could guarantee the throne for one of his sons. Meanwhile, ‘Israel’ was ready to give a green light for this idea since it enables it from deporting thousands of Palestinians into north Iraq.”

 

On the basis of the available data, the said scenario was prepared in 1996 by Richard Pearle, assistant to the American Secretary of Defense, and the third figure in the Pentagon, in addition to a small group of researchers who asked for helping Netanyahu in his first steps as a Prime Minister. They prepared a plan to retrieve Iraq into the Hashimite Family Regime using the assistance of ‘Israel’. As the USA started the drums of war against Iraq, this scenario was brought into light. It could be summarized in few words: Palestine is ‘Israel’; Jordan is Palestine; Iraq is the Hashimite Government. This could be deduced from the statement of the Secretary of Defense, Donald Ramsfeld, when he said about the Israeli occupation to the West Bank and Gaza Strip ‘it’s not an occupation’. The ‘Israeli’ author Alex Manishman indicated that the American-Zionist view is to merge Iraq and Jordan in one Hashimite Kingdom. He points out the participation of the Ex-Crown Prince of Jordan (Prince Hassan) in the Iraqi opposition convention in London in the middle of July 2002 which included transferring Palestinians into Jordan. However, the issue can’t be as an exact merger, but as forming a Hashimite administration to the tribal, sect and ethnic mosaic that the USA and ‘Israel’ intend to produce in the Arab orient. Ryan Krooker’s report, assistant to the Secretary of State for the Near East Affairs, shed some light on the issue. He calls for the US administration to wage a military action against Iraq in order to impose solutions for the Palestinian and Iraqi issues by toppling Saddam Hussein and naturalizing the Palestinian refugees in Kurds area in north Iraq, thus rocking the demographical combination of Iraq and to use the same in fueling ethnic conflicts between the different ethnicities (Arab-Kurdish, Ashourian-Turkish). Although relocation serves Turkey and Iran since it would eliminate the possibility of installing a Kurd state in the future, it shall worry Tehran as it increases the Arabic Sunnite population next on its northern borders as much as it would worry Ankara if this settlement shall be focused in Karkouk, the oil city of north Iraq, and as it would foil the Turkish attempts of creating a Turkish entity in Mousel and Karkouk. Despite all of this, the choice of Kurdestan is still viable according to Krooker and his assistants. What arises sorrow is to adopt the American-Zionist scenario and market it as a solution for the Palestinian issue by some prominent Iraqi opposition figures outside Iraq which is indicative that this scenario had been discussed between the Americanized Iraqi opposition and the American leadership. It is worth mentioning that the invitation of Wafic Al Sameraai to make Iraq the ‘alternative homeland’ seems to provide a radical solution for the dilemma of the Palestinian refugees on the basis of settling. Yes, Iraq is the qualified country to perform this historic mission for main three reasons:

 

-  Iraq’s area is twice as Great Britain’s and the population in the former is only one third of the population of the former. Population density in Britain is 240 persons/km2 whereas it is 50 persons/km2 in Iraq. One thousand years ago, the population in Iraq was between 30 to 40 millions capita and it is able to contain 60 million capita when resources are available.

 

-  During 70s and 80s, Iraq imported 4 million workers and the state allowed transferring 2000 dollars annually according to the local exchange rate, that is, 8 billion dollars per year. This sum could have been invested in Iraq if had suitable population density.

 

-  After removing the sanctions, Iraq will be a gigantic worksite and enormous sums of money will be available since it possesses the second oil reserve in the world and shall need over 4 million workers.

 

-  There are no differences in culture, traditions and customs between the Iraqi and the Palestinian societies. Therefore, coexistence would be easy between the two.

 

-   In conclusion, Iraq is capable of containing millions of Palestinians who live in Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, etc…in the presence of an international subsidies program. Iraq shall also be liable to a part of the costs since it will benefit from such a step.

 

“It may not be possible to start immediately with settling Palestinians, but whether the regime remained the same or not, Iraq shall be regarded as a homeland for the Palestinian Diaspora in 2 to 3 years from now,” the article concludes.

 

In addition to the above, there is a statement issued by 97 ‘Israeli’ academics which criticizes the ‘Israeli’ policy and points out the ‘Israeli’ intention to commit genocide and an ethnic cleansing against the Palestinian people. The following is an excerpt taken from the statement, “… We are too concerned before all the indications that foretell ‘Israel’s’ intention to exploit the war ciaos (against Iraq) to commit new murders against the Palestinian people which would reach genocide level. The government coalition includes figures who promote for the transfer of the Palestinian people as a resolution of the so called ‘demographic threat’. Most of the time, quotes of politicians are used in media as once happened between Michael Klienz and Benny Ylon on September 19, 2002 and in a recent interview with Chief of Staff Moshe Delon in Ha’aretz when he described Palestinians as a ‘cancerous phenomenon’ and the operations in the occupied territories as the ‘chemical therapy’ adding that we needed a more radical therapy. Sharon has also supported this real evaluation. The increase of racist demagogy against the ‘Israeli’-Palestinians might be an indication to the crimes that are intended to be committed.”

 

Shlomo Ben-Ziri, the Minister of Labor and Social Welfare in Sharon’s government, in parallel, revived the demographic council for the purposes of keeping the Jewish features of ‘Israel’. His mission was the weirdest and most racist. He was to draw a plan that raises the ‘Israeli’ Jewish births and reduce non-Jewish ones. ‘Israel’ first founded this council in the war of 1967 and it planned for attaining the Jewish majority in Jerusalem and in the villages within the green line, especially in Galilee and the triangle. The policy of this council is based on the necessity of determining the rate of the Arabs below 24% of the total rate of the residents.

 

Nonetheless, and as the Zionist plan is revealed, the Palestinian authority, while dealing with the besieged in the Church of the Cradle during the pre-emptive fence operation, legitimized transfer when it accepted the deportation of 13 persons among the besieged overseas. Many Palestinian figures pointed out this issue. Hussein El Sheikh Amin, Secretary of Fattah Reference in the West Bank said, “We, as Fattah movement, are startled and amazed before the authority’s actions: How would it legitimize transfer and deportation of citizens?” He wondered, “What would stop Sharon’s government from exiling a bigger number of our people under the alibi of being involved in the resistance?” He added, “It is impossible after this long strive in order to achieve the return of the Palestinian people that we now legitimize deportation.”

 

Abdul Aziz El Rantisy, one of Hamas leaders, says, “This track of transfer is an ‘Israeli’ fixed principle. Transfer was closed by the deportees of Marj El Zuhur in 1992 where as the authority has opened it in this agreement.”

 

After a period of closing the eyes to the issue, many voices that indicate the threat of transfer are now heard in the Arab world. Walid Janbolad, President of the Progressive Social Party, expressed his concern of a serious transfer of Palestinians into Lebanon, Jordan or Syria while meeting with the French former Prime Minister.

 

Marwan Al Maashar, Jordanian Minister of Foreign Affairs, warned from transferring Palestinians from the West Bank into Jordan although he said that his country had received solid confirmations that ‘Israel’ would not compulsory transfer Palestinians into Jordan, but the latter is very suspicious because no public statement which affirms the same had been issued.

 

The Arab League Secretary General also warned from the threat of transfer in an official document submitted to the Arab Initiative Committee during its meeting at Beirut. He pointed out a Zionist plan is underway to transfer the highest number possible of Palestinians and receiving five million Jews.

 

In front of this immediate danger (since its roll is moving rapidly) the slogan of the Arabs of 1948 during the ‘Day of the Land’ of 2002 was: Confronting Transfer and Clinging to Our Homeland Whatever the Price Might Be.

 

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